RESUMO

PIP: The author gathered 1965 and 1975 socioeconomic data on 71 developing countries from a variety of sources such as UNESCO and the World Bank. He applied these data to strict tests to confirm the nonlinear fertility literacy relationship. The total fertility rate (TFR) was the dependent variable. In 1975, the TFR was as low as 2.2 in Singapore and as high as 8.1 in Rwanda. The unweighted mean stood at 5.8. Independent variables included real gross domestic product/worker (earnings); ratio of female literacy over male literacy; natural logarithm of fraction of labor force engaged in agriculture, forestry, hunting, and fishing; population density; male literacy; and strength of the family planning program. The statistical regression revealed that fertility rose slightly (mean=0.25 of a child) with an initial growth in the literacy rate. In fact, it peaked when 25-50% of the adult male population were literate. As the adult male literacy rate increased to the point where almost everyone was literate, fertility fell swiftly to 2 children. These changes were stable across the board. Between 1965-1975, the male literacy rate increased from 46-57% which resulted in a reduction of .51 children in the TFR. Algeria, Nigeria, and Pakistan whose male literacy levels ranged only from 23-42% stalled at high fertility levels. Fertility decreased considerable in countries where family planning programs were valued at least 4.7, even when no significant changes occurred in literacy, earnings, density, or agricultural composition. Morocco, valued at 4, only experienced a change of -.561 whereas China, valued at 25, experienced a change of -1.506. Thus to reduce fertility, policy makers must set high literacy levels as goals recognizing, however, that fertility will 1st rise as literacy bigins its ascent. Further they should either estiablish or strengthen existing family planning programs.^ieng

Assuntos

Agricultura , Coeficiente de Natalidade , Comparação Transcultural , Coleta de Dados , Escolaridade , Fertilidade , Planejamento em Saúde , Densidade Demográfica , Dinâmica Populacional , Análise de Regressão , Salários e Benefícios , África , América , Ásia , América Central , Demografia , Países em Desenvolvimento , Economia , Emprego , Serviços de Planejamento Familiar , Fiji , Geografia , Mão de Obra em Saúde , América do Norte , Ilhas do Pacífico , Polinésia , População , Pesquisa , Classe Social , Fatores Socioeconômicos , América do Sul , Estatística como Assunto

RESUMO

PIP: Mexican family planning officials used date from the 1990 population census to revise population growth estimates and determine program needs for different family planning institutions during 1990-94. Total fertility rates were used to estimate fertility, using information from sociodemographic surveys taken over the past 10 years. Total fertility rates were estimated at 3.29 in 1987, 2.8 in 1990, and projected at 2.5 in 1994. These rates correspond to a crude birth rate of 24-25/1000 in 1990 and 22-23 in 1994 and natural increase rates of 1.87% and 1.67%. In obtaining these estimates, the structure of fertility of the 1987 National Survey of Fertility and Health and the program projections of women by ages of the National Population Council and the National Institute of Statistics, Geography, and were considered. The TARGET model was used to estimate the numbers of women in union using different modern methods who would need to be served by family planning programs in order to meet the proposed total fertility rates. The prevalence of sterilization, IUDS, and oral contraceptives (OCs) in women in union would be 59% in 1990 and 62% in 1994, or in absolute terms 7.8 million women in 1990 and 9.3 million in 1994. The public sector has replaced the private as the major source of family planning services. The Mexican Institute of Social Security (IMSS) share is expected to increase from 48.3% of users in 1990 to 56.5% in 1994. The other 3 public sector institutions will maintain their current level of coverage. The private sector has played a smaller role in family planning in Mexico than in many other countries, and the state will thus have the major responsibility for service provision, including family planning education, promotion, and counseling of prospective clients. Existing services should be made more accessible as far as physical access and hours of operation, and the methods available should be increased beyond OCs and condoms. Traditional midwives in rural areas should be trained to administer modern methods in collaboration with institutional health services so that rural-urban differences in coverage and quality can be decreased. It is estimated that, of the 59% of women in union who want no more children, 44% are using a traditional method or no method. Encouraging these women to use contraception is a challenge for the family planning program. It will not be enough to communicate the general advantages of family planning; specific information on each method is needed. The integration of family planning into maternal-child health services is necessary for the focus on reproductive health and preventing high risk pregnancies. Health services should cooperate with the civil registration system to identify newlyweds and provide them with family planning information. Greater efforts are needed to reach adolescents through cooperation with educational institutions.^ieng

Assuntos

Coeficiente de Natalidade , Programas Governamentais , Planejamento em Saúde , Necessidades e Demandas de Serviços de Saúde , Organização e Administração , Técnicas de Planejamento , América , Demografia , Países em Desenvolvimento , Economia , Serviços de Planejamento Familiar , Fertilidade , América Latina , México , América do Norte , População , Dinâmica Populacional

RESUMO

PIP: This article is a summary of the Jamaican Contraceptive Prevalence Survey (JCPS). As a brief survey report on Jamaica, it states the past fertility rates of Jamaica, the pertinent present fertility rates in correlation with family planning prevalence, and the health education levels of Jamaican women. JCPS found that the total fertility rate between 1983 and 1989 fell from 3.5 to 2.9 children per woman. More than 90% of women interviewed knew of modern contraceptive methods and 55% of all women in union are using contraception. Most mothers giving birth within the past 5 years received antenatal care and more than 90% were attended by health personnel. Nearly all women breastfeed offspring and the average duration is 13 months. About 2/3 received a tetanus injection. JCPS analyzed Jamaican women's knowledge of AIDS and 14% of these women self-assessed themselves as high risk individuals. Although most women correctly understood possible routes of AIDS transmission, misconceptions were common (e.g. 58% believe giving a blood donation is an AIDS risk, 35% thought insect bites could transmit the virus, 16% feared sharing personal items, and 8% said being in a room with an AIDS victim was a risk behavior).^ieng

Assuntos

Síndrome da Imunodeficiência Adquirida , Coeficiente de Natalidade , Aleitamento Materno , Comunicação , Comportamento Contraceptivo , Coleta de Dados , Infecções por HIV , Conhecimento , Cuidado Pré-Natal , Pesquisa , Tétano , América , Região do Caribe , Anticoncepção , Atenção à Saúde , Demografia , Países em Desenvolvimento , Doença , Serviços de Planejamento Familiar , Fertilidade , Saúde , Serviços de Saúde , Fenômenos Fisiológicos da Nutrição do Lactente , Infecções , Jamaica , Serviços de Saúde Materna , Centros de Saúde Materno-Infantil , América do Norte , Fenômenos Fisiológicos da Nutrição , População , Dinâmica Populacional , Atenção Primária à Saúde , Viroses

RESUMO

PIP: The results of the Dominican Republic's 1986 Demographic and Health Survey suggest increased reliance on effective means of contraception but a continued preference for large family size. The survey covered 7649 women 15-49 years of age. Although only half of the women surveyed were currently using a contraceptive method, over 93% of these women were relying on an effective method, largely female sterilization. A desire to become pregnant was the main reason given for nonuse of contraception. However, 29% of women who were not using a method of contraception at the time of the survey indicated they did not want to become pregnant within the next 2 years. Many of these women expressed unfounded fears about the side-effects of contraceptive methods such as the pill. The 1986 survey recorded a total fertility rate of 3.7 lifetime births/woman for the 1983-85 period--the 1st time this rate has dropped below 4. However, survey respondents indicated a desired fertility rate of only 2.8 births, suggesting an unmet need for family planning services in the Dominican Republic. Another survey finding--that 68 infants/1000 die before their 1st birthday--suggests a need for greater access to maternal-child health services, especially in the country's rural areas.^ieng

Assuntos

Coeficiente de Natalidade , Comportamento Contraceptivo , Coleta de Dados , Demografia , Características da Família , Fertilidade , Necessidades e Demandas de Serviços de Saúde , Mortalidade Infantil , Mortalidade , Dinâmica Populacional , População , Projetos de Pesquisa , Comportamento Sexual , América , Região do Caribe , Anticoncepção , Países Desenvolvidos , Países em Desenvolvimento , República Dominicana , Economia , Serviços de Planejamento Familiar , América Latina , América do Norte , Pesquisa , Estudos de Amostragem

RESUMO

PIP: During the 1980s the creation of the Program of Assistance to the Health of Women (PAISM) in 1983 and the policy of the Ministry of Welfare and Social Assistance initiated in 1986 to increase services to the female population changed the public policy regarding human reproduction in Brazil. The question of reproductive rights and protection of the health of the woman throughout her life was the focus of this policy. A commission constituted in 1985 set out to investigate the control of fertility, the increased number of sterilizations, induced abortions, new contraceptives, and the increasing number of medical interventions in the reproductive process to ascertain economic, social, and political ramifications. A neo-Malthusian view was asserting itself in the Third World countries aiming at the conservation of social development vis-a-vis the pressure of demographic explosion. By the mid-1980s the debate shifted toward the need to reduce the fertility rate by a family planning campaign, since the previous military government limited public participation in social policy decisions. The fertility rate was 6.2 children/women in the 1940s and 1950s, 6.3 in the 1960s, declining by 5.6 by 1970 and to 4.2 by the early 1980s. At several international conferences on population policy neo-Malthusian approaches were rejected in favor of family planning programs and health care assistance to women. The penal code was modified to ease abortion in high risk pregnancies. Finally, the increasing demand for contraceptives aided by the interests of the pharmaceutical industry, the women's movement in the late 1970s, and the dissemination of birth control information to low income people have brought about change in fertility control, but the vagaries of the Ministry of Health have not led to full implementation of policies.^ieng

Assuntos

Aborto Legal , Coeficiente de Natalidade , Estudos de Avaliação como Assunto , Política de Planejamento Familiar , Programas Governamentais , Legislação como Assunto , Política Pública , Comportamento Sexual , Mulheres , Aborto Induzido , América , Brasil , Demografia , Países em Desenvolvimento , Serviços de Planejamento Familiar , Fertilidade , América Latina , Organização e Administração , Política , População , Dinâmica Populacional , Opinião Pública , América do Sul

RESUMO

PIP: The preliminary results of the 1986 Colombian Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) of 4480 households -- 5329 individual interviews of women ranging in age from 15-49 years -- suggested a decline in the total fertility rate (TFR) by 1.4 during the last 10 years, from 4.8 to 3.4. Contraceptive use increased 2 percentage points between 1976-86, from 43% to 63% of currently married women. Current use of contraception varied according to age: 58% of women under 30 and 67% of women over 30 used contraception. There also were differentials according to parity: 57% of women with 0-2 children, 75% of women with 3-4 children, and 61% of women with 5 or more children used some contraceptive method. 53% of rural and 68% of urban women used contraception. The 1986 survey findings suggest that female sterilization may have replaced oral contraceptive (OC) use as the preferred method. Of the 63% of all women surveyed currently using some method, 18% adopted sterilization, 17% OC, and 10% the IUD. 70% of married women interviewed wanted no more children. 31% of women who indicated they wanted no more children were not using contraception, a decline from the 50% unmet need reported in 1976.^ieng

Assuntos

Coeficiente de Natalidade , Comportamento Contraceptivo , Paridade , Projetos de Pesquisa , Comportamento Sexual , América , Colômbia , Anticoncepção , Demografia , Países Desenvolvidos , Países em Desenvolvimento , Características da Família , Serviços de Planejamento Familiar , Fertilidade , América Latina , População , Dinâmica Populacional , Pesquisa , América do Sul

RESUMO

The relationship between breast cancer and women's reproductive history in Costa Rica was analyzed using logistic regression methods on data from 171 breast cancer cases and 826 population-based controls aged 25-58 years. The risk of breast cancer in nulliparous women under age 45 was 3 times that for parous women in the same age group. Women over 44 years of age with a parity greater than 4 had a risk of breast cancer of 0.3 compared to women of the same age but with a parity of 1-4. Neither breast-feeding nor birth interval showed an overall association with breast cancer independent of parity. Women with early age at first birth had a lower relative risk of breast cancer than women aged 20-24 at first birth, but only in two subgroups--women aged 45 and over and women with parity 1-4. Women without a completed pregnancy in the last 20 years had an elevated relative risk. However, results are not conclusive because some information is probably distorted by recall errors. Declines in fertility rates in the 1960s and 1970s may result in an increase of 30% in breast cancer incidence in Costa Rica between 1980 and the year 2000, according to the relative risks found in this study. In contrast, the effect of childlessness will probably not produce significant changes in national breast cancer trends.

Assuntos

Neoplasias da Mama/etiologia , Adulto , Fatores Etários , Intervalo entre Nascimentos , Aleitamento Materno , Neoplasias da Mama/epidemiologia , Costa Rica , Feminino , Humanos , Pessoa de Meia-Idade , Paridade , Gravidez , Fatores de Risco

RESUMO

This paper presents data on contraceptive use and fertility in Honduras obtained from a household survey conducted in 1984, and compares these data with similar information obtained from surveys carried out in 1981 and 1983. About half of the increase that has taken place in contraceptive use in Honduras is accounted for by sterilization. In 1981, 27 percent of women in union aged 15-49 years were practicing contraception; in 1984, the percentage of those 15-44 was 35 percent. The increase in urban areas was smaller (from 47 percent to 51 percent) than in rural areas (from 16 percent to 24 percent). Also, fertility remained almost unchanged in urban areas while declining in rural areas. Information from questions on place of purchase, price, and brand of contraceptive (for orals) was used to determine source of supply. The use of multiple questions to determine source results in a higher percentage of contraceptive use attributed to the Honduran Family Planning Association as compared with answers to a single question. The duration of breastfeeding in Honduras has increased, with the greatest changes occurring among women in urban areas and women with the highest levels of education. Efforts have been made to promote breastfeeding in urban areas and these results suggest that the efforts have been successful.

Assuntos

Anticoncepção/tendências , Fertilidade , Adolescente , Adulto , Aleitamento Materno , Feminino , Necessidades e Demandas de Serviços de Saúde , Honduras , Humanos , Recém-Nascido , Pessoa de Meia-Idade , Gravidez

RESUMO

PIP: The demographic explosion after World War II was due to the sudden drop in mortality rates without an equivalent decrease of birth rates. Most countries in Asia, Latin American and Africa have had a natural growth rate of approximately 2%/year, causing the population to double every 35 years. Fertility rates remained high due to local customs, socioeconomic environment, and religion; the mortality rate decreased dramatically due to medical progress and control of epidemics. The population in these less developed areas increased from 1950 to 1975 from 1.7 to almost 3 billion, and is equivalent to 83% of the world's total. The world's population increased from 2.5 to 4 billion. The U.N. estimates that the worldwide population growth rate will go down to 0.9% by the year 2025, primarily due to a decrease of the 2% growth rate in the less developed countries to 1.1%. According to UN projections, the worldwide fertility rate has decreased from 38/1000 in the 1950s to 28.9 in 1975-80; it will reach 17.6/1000 by the year 2025. The birth rate decreased by 50% in East Asia but only by 2.5% in Africa, where it is expected to remain at the 40-50 births per 1000 level, notably in countries such as Nigeria and Kenya. There has been a significant overall decrease in the world's mortality rate, and life expectancy rates increased from 45.8 in 1950 to 57.3 in 1980. The difference in life expectancy between the more developed and less developed regions was about 24.1 years in the 1950s and is now 17.3 years. Africa has the highest mortality rate and the lowest life expectancy (less than 50 years) as do India, Indonesia and Bangladesh. China, however, has had a 21-year life expectancy rate increase from 46 in the 1950s to 67. Worldwide, the infant mortality rate appears to be the decisive factor in the population growth rate having decreased 130/1000 in 1950-1955 to 88 in 1975-1980. In a LDC, the life expectancy of a newborn is 17 years less than that of a child born in a developed country; at age 5, its life expectancy is 8 or 9 years less. For those with a high standard of living in the developing world there is little difference with the developed world. In Brazil, for instance the low income groups in the Northeast have a life expectancy of 45 years and the more affluent groups in the South have a life expectancy of 67 years.^ieng

Assuntos

Coeficiente de Natalidade , Demografia , Mortalidade , Dinâmica Populacional , Crescimento Demográfico , População , Projetos de Pesquisa , África , América , Ásia , Países Desenvolvidos , Países em Desenvolvimento , Fertilidade , América Latina , Expectativa de Vida , Longevidade , Pesquisa

RESUMO

PIP: High indices of unwanted pregnancies prevail in Brazil, primarily among adolescents. The National Survey on Mother and Child and Family Planning, recently completed by BEMFAM, shows that approximately 1/4 of the births in the last 5 years were unwanted. 28% of the women surveyed stated that they had at least 1 child more than the number they would have wanted to have. The fertility rate in Brazil has decreased since the 1960s, continuing in the 1980s except for the 15-19 year age group. According to recent data in the beginning of the eighties, fertility among adolescents was 65/1,000. Today this rate has increased to 74/1,000, i.e., an increase of 13.8% in 4 years. In 1980, the 15-19 year age group contributed 7.4% of the fertility rate; this rate increased to 10.5% in 1984. Family planning would therefore be an ideal tool to avoid unwanted pregnancies. Pregnancies would be the result of a mature and conscious decision of the partners, and not left to change, contributing to better physical and psychological female equilibrium, better sexual and personal relationships among partners, and greater family stability.^ieng

Assuntos

Adolescente , Coeficiente de Natalidade , Serviços de Planejamento Familiar , Gravidez na Adolescência , Gravidez não Desejada , Gravidez , Reprodução , Projetos de Pesquisa , Fatores Etários , América , Brasil , Demografia , Países Desenvolvidos , Países em Desenvolvimento , Fertilidade , América Latina , População , Características da População , Dinâmica Populacional , Pesquisa , Comportamento Sexual , América do Sul

RESUMO

PIP: Preliminary results are presented from the Third National Contraceptive Prevalence Survey of Colombia, which took place in 1986. The sample of about 4500 households was representative on the national, urban, rural, and regional levels. The total fertility rate for 1986 was estimated at 4.9 in rural areas, 2.8 in urban areas including Bogota, and 3.2 for the country as a whole, compared to 4.4 in 1976 and 6.7 in 1969. Fertility changes in women over 30 have been particularly important in the past 10 years. The number of live births per 1000 women declined from 233 in 1971-75 to 183 in 1981-86 for women aged 20-24, from 227 to 173 for women aged 25-29, from 176 to 122 for women aged 30-34, from 131 to 79 for women aged 35-39, and from 67 to 30 for women aged 40-44. 69% of women in unions did not want more children. 30% of those aged 15-19 did not want more children and 29% did not want more for at least 2 years. 98% of Colombian women knew of some contraceptive method. 82.6% of women currently in union have used a method and 63.2% were using a method at the time of the interview. 51% used a modern method. The pill was most often used by younger women, the IUD by slightly older women, and voluntary sterilization was preferred by women over 30. Women using IUDs tended to be better educated and to live in urban areas. 24% of women in union in Bogota used IUDs in 1986. Sterilization was more prevalent in the Atlantic region and in less educated women. Contraceptive usage increased from 43% to 63% of women in union between 1976-86. 18% of Colombian women were sterilized as of 1986. PROFAMILIA clinics are the most important source of IUDs and female sterilization, while drugstores and pharmacies are the most important source for pills, vaginal spermicides, condoms, and injectables. 31% of women who stated they wanted no more children were not using any family planning method. The unsatisfied need was greater for younger women, the less educated, rural women, and those in the Atlantic region.^ieng

Assuntos

Fatores Etários , Coeficiente de Natalidade , Comportamento Contraceptivo , Coleta de Dados , Demografia , Características da Família , Serviços de Planejamento Familiar , Idade Materna , Características da População , População , Pesquisa , População Rural , Comportamento Sexual , População Urbana , América , Colômbia , Anticoncepção , Atenção à Saúde , Países Desenvolvidos , Países em Desenvolvimento , Fertilidade , Objetivos , Programas Governamentais , Instituições Privadas de Saúde , Planejamento em Saúde , Serviços de Saúde , Administração de Serviços de Saúde , Necessidades e Demandas de Serviços de Saúde , América Latina , Medicina , Dinâmica Populacional , Estudos de Amostragem , América do Sul

RESUMO

PIP: In 1940, Chile had a population of slightly over 5 million, a crude birth rate of 36.4/1000, a death rate of 21.3/1000, and a natural increase of 1.5%. Between 1940-65, birth rates remained stable and high while the death rate declined steadily, so that the rate of natural increase gradually rose to 2.6%. After 1965, the birth rate declined faster than the death rate, and the natural increase rate slowly returned to its 1940 level--this due to lower fertility rather than high mortality. A slight increase in fertility rates followed a pronatalist campaign launched in 1978, but another slight decline began in 1982. The natural increase rate in 1985 was 1.6%. A private family planning organization was started in chile in the early 1960s to respond to the problem of illegal abortion. Studies had shown that 80% of Chilean women seeking abortion were married or in stable unions with 3 or more living children. In 1965, Chile's new family planning organization reached an agreement with the Ministry of Health whereby free family planning information and services would be offered in Ministry of Health facilities facilities to all women seeking them. The association also became a member of the International Planned Parenthood Federation, enabling it to receive external aid in the form of modern contraceptives and gynecological equipment. In its 21 years of existence, the family planning associated has maintained its agreement with the Ministry of Health and initiated others. Between 1960-84, with availability of family planning services, age specific fertility rates declined slightly for women aged 15-19 and very greatly for older women. In 1960 and 1984 respectively, age specific rates were 72.6 and 64.0 for women aged 15-19, 211.1 and 141.1 for women 20-24, 240.9 and 127.6 for those 25-05.5 and 90.8 for those 30-34, 141.4 and 45.0 for those 35-39, and 62.2 and 14.4 for those 40-44. The total fertility rate was 4.7 in 1960 and 2.4 in 1984. The family planning program has greatly reduced health risks from multiparity, but adolescent pregnancy continues to pose a threat for mothers and children, especially since over half of births to women under 20 are illegitimate. Chile's infant mortality rates were 192.8 1940, 120.3 in 1960, and 19.7 in 1985. Between 1960-85, the neonatal rate declined from 35.2 to 10.4. It is possible that decline in late infant mortality was relative to the declining proportion of unwanted births made possible by availability of family planning services. It has been estimated that 30% of the decline in infant mortality between 1972-82 was due to the decline in high order births made possible by family planning. Maternal mortality has declined due to better care during pregnancy and delivery, decline in illegal abortions, and decreased fertility among women over 35.^ieng

Assuntos

Aspirantes a Aborto , Coeficiente de Natalidade , Causas de Morte , Atenção à Saúde , Demografia , Fertilidade , Programas Governamentais , Instituições Privadas de Saúde , Planejamento em Saúde , Serviços de Saúde , Mortalidade Infantil , Idade Materna , Mortalidade Materna , Medicina , Mortalidade , Dinâmica Populacional , Crescimento Demográfico , População , Projetos de Pesquisa , Aborto Criminoso , Aborto Induzido , América , Chile , Países Desenvolvidos , Países em Desenvolvimento , Serviços de Planejamento Familiar , Saúde , América Latina , Organização e Administração , Gravidez , Gravidez na Adolescência , Reprodução , Pesquisa , América do Sul

RESUMO

This paper examines the fertility differentials by social class in Suriname in the 1960s and 1970s, and analyses the sudden stagnation in the decline in fertility that occurred between 1962 and 1974. Substantial differences in fertility by social class existed in the 1960s and 1970s in Suriname, with the number of liveborn children to mothers at each age during the childbearing period being higher for lower class than for middle class mothers. Both social classes contributed to the drop in overall fertility which occurred between 1962-74 although the middle class displayed the largest reduction in fertility. The stabilization of the fertility trend since 1974 is limited to the middle class which seems to have realized its ideal family size.

Assuntos

Fatores Etários , Coeficiente de Natalidade , Estudos de Coortes , Coleta de Dados , Demografia , Economia , Características da Família , Fertilidade , Características da População , Dinâmica Populacional , Projetos de Pesquisa , Pesquisa , Classe Social , Fatores Socioeconômicos , Estatística como Assunto , América , Países Desenvolvidos , Países em Desenvolvimento , População , América do Sul , Suriname

RESUMO

PIP: Fertility rates in Brazil have dropped at an increasingly rapid rate since 1940; this has occurred in the absence of an explicit, official policy on population control, and without a notable increase in quality of life. The context for analysis of this change in population dynamics is the colonato, the coffee plantation labor system which was prevalent in the Western portion of the state of Sao Paulo, or Paulista West unitl 1930; work organization here was based on the family as a unit of labor force. This study reconsiders the importance of the family in the labor force under the colonato, and the demographic implications of this organizational pattern. European immigrant colonists contracted with coffee growers to do subsistence farming; in exchange, they were granted land in proportion to the number of coffee trees tended. An increase in the number of family members resulted in an increase in productive capacity of the head of the family. The high fertility rate among these immigrants may have been a natural response to the existing institutional control of the labor system, high mortality rates and abundance of land; however, it may not have been a deliberate, planned response based on economic essentials. Also significant is the fact that the average family size in the Paulista West has changed little in the last 60 years. Immigrant families may have received contracts based on their favorable demographic composition rather than on their size alone. The elimination of contracted, guaranteed land-for-subsistence farming is sufficient to explain the changes in fertility patterns. Additional research is needed and should be based on empirical evidence.^ieng

Assuntos

Coeficiente de Natalidade , Demografia , Economia , Emigração e Imigração , Emprego , Características da Família , Mão de Obra em Saúde , Dinâmica Populacional , População , Projetos de Pesquisa , Planejamento Social , Migrantes , América , Brasil , Países Desenvolvidos , Países em Desenvolvimento , Fertilidade , América Latina , Pesquisa , América do Sul

RESUMO

PIP: Costa Rica's demographic and economic characteristics are highlighted. Costa Rica's demographic situation is unique in certain respects. Between the late 1950s and the late 1970s, the total fertility rate declined from about 7 to 4 and then stabilized instead of continuing to decline to 2 as expected. This is especially surprising since the level of contraceptive use is similar to that of most European countries. Approximately 2/3 of all couples practice contraception. It is possible that the rate will slowly decline to the expected level, but a delayed decline will ultimately produce a much larger population than initially expected. The demographic situation in Costa Rica is being carefully monitored for insights which might be useful in predicting future fertility patterns in other developing countries. The government of Costa Rica recognizes that family planning is a necessary component of maternal and child health care; however, most family planning services are provided by private organizations. In 1982, population size was 2.6 million, the crude birth rate was 30.7, the crude death rate was 3.9, infant mortality was 19.3, and the rate of natural increase was 2.7%. The population is predominantly Spanish, and the indigenous population totals only 20,000. 48% of the population is urban. Costa Rica has a relatively stable deomocratic government. It relationshiops with other countries are generally peaceful, but tensions between Nicaragua and Costa Rica are increasing. The country's economic situation deteriorated in recent years due primarily to a decline in the price of coffee, the country's principle export commodity. The trade deficit increased markedly, unemployment increased, and income fell sharply. The economic slowdown is now showing signs of a reversal. In 1983 exports, consisting primarily of coffee, bananas, beef, sugar, cane and cacao, totalled US$871 million, and imports, consisting mainly of manufactured goods and equipment, chemicals, fuel, food, and fertilizer, amounted to US$870 million. In 1983 the per capita gross national product was US$1020.^ieng

Assuntos

Coeficiente de Natalidade , Comportamento Contraceptivo , Fertilidade , Características da População , Dinâmica Populacional , Comportamento Sexual , América , América Central , Anticoncepção , Costa Rica , Demografia , Países Desenvolvidos , Países em Desenvolvimento , Economia , Serviços de Planejamento Familiar , América Latina , América do Norte , Política , População

RESUMO

This reassessment is limited to observations concerning trends in mortality and fertility and concerning longrun prospects for population growth. Recorded changes in mortality are compared with 3 projections made many years ago. Projections of European mortality made in 1941-42 understated by a wide margin the actual increase in expectation of life because of unforeseen technological changes in the prevention and cure of fatal disease. On the other hand, a projection made in 1955 for India, foreseeing a rapid rise in the 1950s and slower progress later on because of the exhaustion of the easier gains, appears to have been accurate and also to depict the prospects in other populations of relatively high mortality and low income. A different projection of life expectancy in Mexico was also quite close to actual changes in Mexican mortality; it was based on a universal curve constructed to represent how life expectancy rises, increasing ever more slowly as it approaches an upper limit. This curve (1 for each sex), constructed for projection of Mexican mortality, is employed as a standard of comparison for mortality changes in many countries. A number have followed the standard for females very closely for more than 3 decades; in developed countries, male life expectancy has generally fallen short of the standard. The almost universal low fertility in developed countries contrasts with the great diversity of levels and trends of fertility in developing countries, some of which retain undiminished high fertility and others of which have recently attained rates of childbearing as low as in the developed areas. Instances of surprisingly little change and surprisingly rapid change in fertility are described. In the future, growth of populations of developed countries will probably be slight; the future rate of increase in the developing areas depends on the unpredictable timing and pace of childbearing reduction in populations where fertility remains high. In the long run, world population growth may resume its typical pattern of moderate growth interrupted by catastrophic setbacks.

Assuntos

Coeficiente de Natalidade , Comportamento Contraceptivo , Previsões , Estado Civil , Casamento , Mortalidade , Dinâmica Populacional , Crescimento Demográfico , População , Abstinência Sexual , Fatores Socioeconômicos , Austrália , Bulgária , Canadá , China , Colômbia , Anticoncepção , Costa Rica , Cuba , Tchecoslováquia , Demografia , Dinamarca , Economia , Egito , Inglaterra , Serviços de Planejamento Familiar , Fertilidade , Finlândia , França , Alemanha Ocidental , Hungria , Índia , Itália , Japão , Expectativa de Vida , México , Países Baixos , Noruega , Polônia , Portugal , Porto Rico , Pesquisa , Romênia , Escócia , Sri Lanka , Estatística como Assunto , Suécia , Suíça , Taiwan , Turquia , U.R.S.S. , Estados Unidos , País de Gales

Assuntos

Coeficiente de Natalidade , Fertilidade , Casamento , População Rural , População Urbana , Fatores Etários , América , Colômbia , Demografia , Países em Desenvolvimento , América Latina , População , Características da População , Dinâmica Populacional , América do Sul

RESUMO

PIP: Cuba's post-revolution demographic trends, especially in regard to fertility and emigration, and the causes and consequences of these trends, were examined using available statistical data. The authors maintain that both fertility and emigration trends were highly infuenced by economic factors. The trends are described in the context of the social and economic changes instituted by the revolutionary government. Government policies were aimed at 1) eradicating inequalities in housing, income, education, and health; 2) improving the status of women; and 3) upgrading the living standards of the rural population. Government policies did alleviate many social problems and greatly improved the health and educational status of the population; however, these policies had a marked adverse effect on economic performance. The demographic transition began in Cuba earlier than in most other developing countries and it began long before the 1959 revolution. These earlier changes must be taken into account when assessing the impact of post-revolution policies on demographic trends. Cuba's birthrate declined from 26-14.8/1000 population between 1959-1979 and the total fertility rate declined from 3.7-1.9 between 1970-1978; however, during the 1960s there was a baby boom and the birth rate for 1963 exceeded 35/1000 population. The baby boom was largely a response to the temporary improvement in economic conditions which occurred shortly after the revolution. The decline in fertility during the 1970s was due in part to the increased availability of abortion and contraceptive services and to a decline in the marriage rate; however, Cuba's deteriorating economy was also a major contributing factor. The baby boom of the 1960s is negativley affecting the current economy of the country. Individuals born during the baby boom are entering adulthood and are contributing toward Cuba's current unemployment problems. Prior to the revolution, Cuba experienced a high rate of in-migration. Immediately after the revolution this pattern was reversed and between 1959-1980 more than 800,000 Cubans emigrated. Most of these emigrants went to the U.S. A large proportion of the earlier emigrants were members of the upper and middle socioeconomic classes. Recent emigrants were more evenly representative of all segments of Cuba's population. The socioeconomic characteristics of the emigrants are described and their adjustment in the U.S. is discussed. Tables provide statistical data on Cuba's demographic trends.^ieng

Assuntos

Coeficiente de Natalidade , Emigração e Imigração , Crescimento Demográfico , Política Pública , População Rural , Mudança Social , Fatores Socioeconômicos , Estatística como Assunto , População Urbana , Distribuição por Idade , América , Região do Caribe , Cuba , Demografia , Países em Desenvolvimento , Economia , Escolaridade , Emprego , Serviços de Planejamento Familiar , Fertilidade , Habitação , Renda , América Latina , Idade Materna , Mortalidade , América do Norte , Política , População , Características da População , Dinâmica Populacional , Pesquisa , Distribuição por Sexo , Razão de Masculinidade , Sociologia , Estados Unidos , Direitos da Mulher

RESUMO

PIP: The rapid increase, in recent years, of fertility in Cuba has come to the attention of a number of experts. Fertility has dropped even below that of the majority of European socialist countries. This is due to the significance of fertility as a demographic variant in processes occurring in the population and to its socioeconomic conditioning. This study fits into the framework of this subject. However, it departs somewhat from the traditional approach when it attempts to convey information on the above mentioned phenomenon based on the male sex. It is important to remember that the man is still very much decisive in the couple's fertility decisions. The sugar harvest allowed the authors to collect data based on a previously drafted interview outline from 60% of young workers mobilized to that area. Thus there were a series of socioeconomic factors directly or indirectly influencing reproductive behavior of these workers. These included income, schooling, housing problems, etc. The majority of these men have only 1 child and do not wish to have more for the present despite the fact that they have been married for 3 1/2 years. In addition, for those who decide to have more children, the interval between the 1st and 2nd birth was longer than the protogenesic 1. We also found that the average of single men analyzed (22 years) is slightly higher than that of men currently married. There is the slight suggestion of postponement of marriage and consequently of children. Regardless of the logical limitations of the survey, it does provide a series of ideas on how to solve the problem in addition to providing some information on factors which in 1 way or another influence Cuban fertility presently. (author's)^ieng

Assuntos

Atitude , Coeficiente de Natalidade , Fertilidade , Homens , Comportamento Sexual , Fatores Socioeconômicos , América , Comportamento , Intervalo entre Nascimentos , Região do Caribe , Cuba , Demografia , Países em Desenvolvimento , Economia , Características da Família , América Latina , Casamento , América do Norte , População , Dinâmica Populacional , Psicologia

RESUMO

PIP: Focus in this discussion is on demography and development in Costa Rica. In a 15-year period, during the 1960s and the 1st years of the 1970s, Costa Rica achieved the fastest and steepest fertility decline yet recorded in Latin America. The crude birthrate dropped from a high point in 1959 of 48.3/1000 to a low of 29.9/1000 in 1973. During the same period, the death rate declined from 9.2/1000 to 5.2/1000 by 1973. Because of this, the drop in the rate of natural increase, from 3.9% a year in 1959 to 2.47% in 1973, was not quite as pronounced in percentage terms. During those same years infant mortality dropped from 74/1000 to about 45/1000. The total fertility rate declined from 7.3 children in 1960 to 5.5 in 1968 and to just above 4 children in 1973. The major thrust of the decline originated primarily in popular perception of the imbalance between an unnecessarily high birthrate and changed socioeconomic conditions toward the end of the 1950s, of which improvements in health and general social care were among the most influential. It is not so much the economic performance of Costa Rica that distinguishes it from its neighbors as its social condition. What keeps Costa Rica from being a "banana republic" is its comparatively much higher level of social indicators: newspaper circulation per capita and the amount of newsprint consumption, the extraordinary number of bookstores in San Jose, the number of physicians and hospital beds per person, the number of teachers and students enrolled at all levels of education, and its extremely low mortality rate and very high longevity. The total fertility rate appears to have entered a period of stagnation or pause, with virtually no decline since 1974 and even a slight increase since 1976. In the 5-year period since 1973, the decline through 1978 amounted to only 5%. In the preceding 1968-73 period it wasmore than 26%. The number of births/1000 women in the 15-19 year old age group remains constant and is comparatively very high. The age specific statistics that are presented fail to give any indication as to why the recent stagnation has occurred, or whether it is a passing or a long term phenomenon. The following possible explanations, which are grouped into 3 categories, are reviewed: those relating to reproductive behavior itself, policy issues, and the role of socioeconomic influences. In the area of reproductive behavior, the evidence indicates that Costa Ricans still want a fairly large family. It needs to be clarified that the Costa Rican government has never had and does not now have a program designed primarily to reduce natality. With regard to development problems, the most marked feature in the Costa Rican panorama is its internal imbalance. The social aspects of development have been given more attention than the economic.^ieng

Assuntos

Coeficiente de Natalidade , Economia , Mortalidade Infantil , Idade Materna , Mortalidade , Dinâmica Populacional , Política Pública , Mudança Social , América , América Central , Costa Rica , Demografia , Países em Desenvolvimento , Fertilidade , Planejamento em Saúde , América Latina , América do Norte , População