RESUMO
There is strong evidence suggesting that harm reduction policies are able to reduce the adverse health and social consequences of drug use. However, in this article I will compare two different countries to demonstrate that some social aspects lead to the adoption or rejection of harm reduction policies. In this case, countries where drugs are seen as a security concern are less likely to adopt these harm reduction policies. For that purpose, I will compare Colombia and Uruguay's political, normative, and social aspects, which are considered drivers in the adoption of harm reduction policies, as well as how those factors influence the treatments available for substance abuse disorders.
Assuntos
Redução do Dano , Drogas Ilícitas/provisão & distribuição , Política , Política Pública , Colômbia , Humanos , Transtornos Relacionados ao Uso de Substâncias/terapia , UruguaiAssuntos
Crime/estatística & dados numéricos , Drogas Ilícitas/economia , Drogas Ilícitas/provisão & distribuição , Pesquisa/estatística & dados numéricos , Violência/estatística & dados numéricos , Animais , Cavernas , Homicídio/estatística & dados numéricos , México , Pesquisadores/psicologia , Medidas de SegurançaRESUMO
Objetivos: Abordar o perfil dos caminhoneiros que trafegam na BR153, o uso de drogas e as principais substâncias psicoativas consumidas por caminhoneiros e relacionar o consumo dessas substâncias aos aspectos de qualidade de vida e sócio demográficos dos motoristas de caminhão. Métodos: Foram abordados 161 motoristas de caminhão nas proximidades da cidade de Anápolis-Goiás na BR-153. Para avaliar os dados sócio demográficos assim como o uso de drogas entre os caminhoneiros, foi utilizado questionário semi - estruturado, Teste de Triagem do Envolvimento com Álcool, Cigarro e Outras Drogas (ASSIST) modificado. A análise dos dados foi conduzida pelo programa estatístico SPSS-22. Resultados: A maioria dos caminhoneiros abordados era do sexo masculino (99,4%), autodeclarados brancos (60,9%), do estado de Goiás (43,8%) e percorreram em média 639 km/dia. Sobre o uso de anfetaminas (rebite), 32,9% admitiram terem feito uso dessa droga nos últimos três meses. Sobre a aquisição dessa substância, 38,3% relataram não encontrar dificuldades para adquirir a anfetamina e os postos de gasolina foi o local mais citado de acordo com os participantes. Conclusão: O uso de drogas por caminhoneiros se mostrou bem presente na rodovia BR-153, e isso reflete a falta de fiscalização e conscientização destes profissionais. Além disso, os postos de gasolina, que usualmente são os locais de descanso para essa categoria, se configuram como um dos principais centros para agravar as condições de saúde dos mesmos. (AU)
Objectives: To approach truck drivers profile in a highways near Anápolis- Goiás, drug use and the main psychoactive substances used by truckers and relate the consumption of these substances to the social and demographic aspects of truck drivers. Methods: 161 truck drivers were assessed. To approach the social and demographic data as well as drug consumption among truck drivers a semi - structured questionnaire, Involvement Screening Test with Alcohol, Cigarette and Other Drugs (ASSIST) modified was used. Data analysis was conducted using SPSS22. Results: Most covered truck drivers were male (99.4%), self-declared white (60.9%), from the state of Goiás (43.8%) and traveled an average of 639 km (400 miles) / day. On the use of amphetamines, 32.9% admitted having used this drug in the last three months. On the acquisition of that substance, 38.3% reported not find it difficult to acquire amphetamine. The gas stations were the site over quoted according to participants. Conclusion: The use of drugs by truck drivers proved very present in Goiás highways, and this reflects the lack of oversight and awareness of these professionals. In addition, the gas stations, which usually are the rest local for this category are characterized as one of the main centers for serious health conditions. (AU)
Assuntos
Humanos , Masculino , Feminino , Veículos Automotores , Anfetamina , Qualidade de Vida , Qualidade de Vida/psicologia , Drogas Ilícitas , Drogas Ilícitas/provisão & distribuição , Transtornos Relacionados ao Uso de SubstânciasRESUMO
BACKGROUND: The Uruguayan Cannabis Clubs (UCCs) constitute one of three ways to obtain cannabis under the new cannabis regulation laws. These organizations, formed by up to 45 adults and with a legal limit to grow up to 99 plants, appear to provide a safe method of procuring cannabis in a country that is trying to regulate aspects of cannabis production and distribution. This article describes the operations of the UCCs and the challenges these organizations face. METHODS: The paper draws on data from in-depth interviews conducted with representatives of UCCs and conversations with government officials conducted between March and August of 2015. We collected information about membership, facilities and forms of organization, methods of cannabis cultivation and distribution, and activities within the community. RESULTS: This article describes how UCCs are formed, their resources, rules for cannabis production and distribution; and their relationships with government institutions and the community. Data show that UCCs face four main challenges: compliance with the extant regulation, financial sustainability, tolerance from the community, and collective action dilemmas. CONCLUSIONS: Organizational challenges are as frequent in Uruguay as in other country where cannabis clubs exist, however this paper shows that in order to be sustainable, UCCs need to address issues of collective action, financial sustainability, and possible competition with cannabis distribution via pharmacies that could diminish membership. In the case of Uruguay, UCCs are part of a regulation effort, though they may not be preferred over other legal alternatives already in place.
Assuntos
Comércio/legislação & jurisprudência , Controle de Medicamentos e Entorpecentes , Drogas Ilícitas/provisão & distribuição , Fumar Maconha/legislação & jurisprudência , Adulto , Cannabis , Comércio/economia , Humanos , Drogas Ilícitas/economia , Masculino , Fumar Maconha/economia , UruguaiRESUMO
BACKGROUND: In 2013, Uruguay became the first country to fully regulate the cannabis market, which now operates under state control. Cannabis can be legally acquired in three ways: growing it for personal use (self-cultivation), cannabis club membership, and from pharmacies (not yet implemented). Users must be entered into a confidential official registry to gain access. METHODS: This article presents findings of a Respondent Driven Sample survey of 294 high-frequency cannabis consumers in the Montevideo metropolitan area. RESULTS: Frequent consumers resort to more than one method for acquiring cannabis, with illegal means still predominating after 1 year of the new regulation law. Cannabis users overwhelmingly support the current regulation, but many of them are reluctant to register. CONCLUSIONS: Some of the attitudes and behaviors of the high-frequency consumers pose a challenge to the success of the cannabis law. Individuals relying on more than one method of access defy the single access clause, a prerequisite for legal use, while the maximum amount of cannabis individuals can access monthly seems too high even for most frequent consumers, which might promote the emergence of a grey market. Reluctance to register among a significant proportion of high-frequency consumers raises doubts about the law's ability to achieve its stated objectives.
Assuntos
Cannabis , Comércio/estatística & dados numéricos , Controle de Medicamentos e Entorpecentes , Fumar Maconha/legislação & jurisprudência , Adolescente , Adulto , Feminino , Humanos , Drogas Ilícitas/economia , Drogas Ilícitas/provisão & distribuição , Masculino , Fumar Maconha/economia , Fumar Maconha/epidemiologia , Pessoa de Meia-Idade , Inquéritos e Questionários , Uruguai , Adulto JovemRESUMO
BACKGROUND: For more than 30 years, the main strategy to control illicit coca crops has been forced eradication. Despite the importance of social investment and persistent poverty in areas where illicit crops are grown, there is no empirical evidence of the effect of social expenditures on preventing and reducing the expansion of illicit crops. METHODS: This paper analyses how social investment in conjunction with eradication affects new coca crops. The model is tested using a dataset consisting of annual data for 440 contiguous municipalities that had coca in any year between 2001 and 2010. The analysis includes the two main techniques used to control illicit crops, manual eradication and aerial spraying. RESULTS: Aerial spraying is effective in deterring farmers from increasing the size of their new coca fields, but this effect is small. Social investment, in addition to generating social welfare, has a significant negative relationship with new coca crops, 0.09-hectare reduction in new coca crops per additional 50-cent spent in social investment (human capital and infrastructure) per inhabitant. CONCLUSION: Social investment emerges as a complementary and effective strategy to control illicit crops.
Assuntos
Coca/crescimento & desenvolvimento , Cocaína/economia , Comércio/economia , Produtos Agrícolas/economia , Tráfico de Drogas/economia , Herbicidas , Drogas Ilícitas/economia , Fatores Socioeconômicos , Aerossóis , Comportamento de Escolha , Cocaína/provisão & distribuição , Colômbia , Produtos Agrícolas/crescimento & desenvolvimento , Ecossistema , Humanos , Drogas Ilícitas/provisão & distribuição , Modelos Teóricos , Pobreza/economia , Fatores de TempoAssuntos
Humanos , Masculino , Feminino , Argentina , Drogas Ilícitas/efeitos adversos , Drogas Ilícitas/provisão & distribuição , Transtornos Relacionados ao Uso de Substâncias/epidemiologia , Transtornos Relacionados ao Uso de Substâncias/prevenção & controle , Vulnerabilidade Social , Fatores SocioeconômicosAssuntos
Publicidade Direta ao Consumidor/economia , Publicidade Direta ao Consumidor/legislação & jurisprudência , Custos de Medicamentos/legislação & jurisprudência , Controle de Medicamentos e Entorpecentes/economia , Controle de Medicamentos e Entorpecentes/legislação & jurisprudência , Drogas Ilícitas/economia , Drogas Ilícitas/provisão & distribuição , Comércio/economia , Comércio/legislação & jurisprudência , Humanos , Estados UnidosRESUMO
We examined drug-scene familiarity and exposure to gang violence among residents of a migrant farming community in rural Baja California, Mexico. In October 2010, 164 members of a single colonia (community) underwent an interviewer-administered survey to assess 'exposure to gang violence' and 'drug-scene familiarity', as well as other health indicators. Logistic regression was used to identify correlates of exposure to gang violence. Overall, 20% of participants were male, the median age was 27 years, 24% spoke an indigenous language, 42% reported exposure to gang violence and 39% reported drug-scene familiarity. Factors independently associated with exposure to gang violence included being younger (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] =0.80 per 5-year increase, 95% confidence interval [CI]=0.67-0.96), living in the community longer (AOR=1.47 per 5-year increase, 95% CI=1.11-1.72), higher educational attainment (AOR=1.70 per 5-year increase, 95% CI=1.07-1.12) and drug-scene familiarity (AOR=5.10, 95% CI=2.39-10.89). Exposure to gang violence was very common in this community and was associated with drug-scene familiarity, suggesting a close relationship between drugs and gang violence in this rural community. In a region characterised by mass migration from poorer parts of Mexico, where drugs and gangs have not been previously reported, emerging social harms may affect these communities unless interventions are implemented.
Assuntos
Crime/estatística & dados numéricos , Usuários de Drogas/estatística & dados numéricos , Drogas Ilícitas/provisão & distribuição , Migrantes/estatística & dados numéricos , Violência/estatística & dados numéricos , Adolescente , Adulto , Estudos Transversais , Feminino , Humanos , Entrevistas como Assunto , Modelos Logísticos , Masculino , México , Pessoa de Meia-Idade , Análise Multivariada , Grupo Associado , População Rural , Adulto JovemRESUMO
BACKGROUND: Methamphetamine is a serious illicit drug problem in the United States and globally. For decades, methamphetamine has been supplied to the illicit market through local clandestine manufacturing and trafficking. In the early stages, illicit methamphetamine was produced and trafficked by motorcycle gangs and Mexican criminal groups. Over time, local clandestine manufacturing increasingly contributed to the illicit supply and broader methamphetamine problem. This review examines the evolution of the illicit methamphetamine supply in the U.S. METHODS: A review of the literature on methamphetamine production and trafficking was conducted. Information was obtained from numerous sources including governmental reports, books and academic articles. RESULTS: Attempts to control the supply of methamphetamine have only led to short term disruptions in availability. Clandestine manufacturing and trafficking have undergone significant changes over the past several decades. Shifts in local production have regularly been counterbalanced by changes in production and trafficking from criminal organizations in Mexico. Transnational criminal organizations now control much of the methamphetamine supply in the U.S. and methamphetamine remains widely available. CONCLUSIONS: The supply of methamphetamine in the United States is dynamic. Producers and traffickers have adapted to control efforts and the problem continues. Control efforts focused on eliminating supply are limited at best.
Assuntos
Comércio/legislação & jurisprudência , Crime/prevenção & controle , Controle de Medicamentos e Entorpecentes/legislação & jurisprudência , Drogas Ilícitas/legislação & jurisprudência , Metanfetamina/provisão & distribuição , Formulação de Políticas , Política Pública/legislação & jurisprudência , Meios de Transporte/legislação & jurisprudência , Transtornos Relacionados ao Uso de Anfetaminas/economia , Transtornos Relacionados ao Uso de Anfetaminas/história , Transtornos Relacionados ao Uso de Anfetaminas/prevenção & controle , Comércio/economia , Comportamento Cooperativo , Crime/economia , Crime/história , Controle de Medicamentos e Entorpecentes/economia , Controle de Medicamentos e Entorpecentes/história , Regulamentação Governamental , História do Século XX , História do Século XXI , Humanos , Drogas Ilícitas/economia , Drogas Ilícitas/história , Drogas Ilícitas/provisão & distribuição , Cooperação Internacional , Aplicação da Lei , Metanfetamina/síntese química , Metanfetamina/economia , Metanfetamina/história , México , Política Pública/economia , Política Pública/história , Fatores de Tempo , Meios de Transporte/economia , Meios de Transporte/história , Estados UnidosRESUMO
Harm reduction approaches to drug control have almost exclusively focussed on consumers in northern countries. This article supports recent analysis that indicates that such policies also hold relevance for producer countries by drawing on recent policy innovations in Bolivia. When Evo Morales, the president of the national coca grower confederation, was elected the country's first indigenous president in 2005, he promised to fundamentally change 25 years of the U.S.-funded "drug war" that had generated repeated human rights violations. The new policy, which implicitly incorporates harm reduction principles combined with respect for human rights, recognizes coca leaf's traditional use and cultural importance and relies on vigorous local organizations to implement a community-based programme called social control. Results to date indicate that Bolivia's social control experience has reduced violence in coca growing communities, ensured small farmers a subsistence income from coca and increased sovereignty, while making a modest contribution to containing expansion of coca cultivation. The programme has registered 50,000 farmers who are allowed to cultivate limited quantities of coca to supply traditional users and helped them gain secure title to their land. This registration is combined with satellite surveillance to guarantee that farmers do not exceed limits established by law. To date, the programme's reach is incomplete and coca is still diverted to the drug trade. Nonetheless, the approach may offer lessons for other drug producer countries, particularly where strong socio-political organizations are found in combination with closeknit communities holding shared cultural values.
Assuntos
Coca/crescimento & desenvolvimento , Cocaína/provisão & distribuição , Comércio , Crime/prevenção & controle , Controle de Medicamentos e Entorpecentes , Redução do Dano , Drogas Ilícitas/provisão & distribuição , Política Pública , Bolívia , Comércio/legislação & jurisprudência , Crime/legislação & jurisprudência , Características Culturais , Controle de Medicamentos e Entorpecentes/legislação & jurisprudência , Regulamentação Governamental , Direitos Humanos , Humanos , Drogas Ilícitas/legislação & jurisprudência , Aplicação da Lei , Avaliação de Programas e Projetos de Saúde , Política Pública/legislação & jurisprudência , Fatores SocioeconômicosRESUMO
This paper is inspired by two anomalies encountered in the study of the illegal drugs industry. First, despite the very high profits of coca/cocaine and poppy/opium/heroin production, most countries that can produce do not. Why, for example, does Colombia face much greater competition in the international coffee, banana, and other legal product markets than in cocaine? And second, though illegal drugs are clearly associated with violence, why is it that illegal drug trafficking organizations have been so much more violent in Colombia and Mexico than in the rest of the world? The answers to these questions cannot be found in factors external to Colombia (and Mexico). They require identifying the societal weaknesses of each country. To do so, the history of the illegal drugs industry is surveyed, a simple model of human behavior that stresses the conflict between formal (legal) and informal (socially accepted) norms as a source of the weaknesses that make societies vulnerable is formulated. The reasons why there is a wide gap between formal and informal norms in Colombia are explored and the effectiveness of anti-drug policies is considered to explain why they fail to achieve their posited goals. The essay ends with reflections and conclusion on the need for institutional change.
Assuntos
Crime/legislação & jurisprudência , Drogas Ilícitas/legislação & jurisprudência , Drogas Ilícitas/provisão & distribuição , Política Pública , Mudança Social , Transtornos Relacionados ao Uso de Substâncias/prevenção & controle , Coca/crescimento & desenvolvimento , Colômbia , Crime/economia , Crime/história , Crime/prevenção & controle , Coleta de Dados , Objetivos , História do Século XX , Humanos , Drogas Ilícitas/história , Aplicação da Lei/história , Aplicação da Lei/métodos , Modelos Teóricos , Populações VulneráveisRESUMO
BACKGROUND: Data on the cocaine market appear inconsistent, as they tend to show declining prices vis-a-vis steady or increasing demand and a declining supply. This paper proposes an explanation for this trend by providing evidence of an under-estimation of the supply of cocaine. METHODS: We propose a conservative estimate of cocaine production in Colombia for 2008, using data based on all reported seizures from 328 laboratories made by the counteracting organisations operating within the Colombian territory. RESULTS: Our conservative estimate of 935 tons from the seized laboratories is at least twice the estimate declared in official statistics of 295-450 tons. We are careful to keep all variables to their minimum boundary values. Our methodology could prove to be a useful tool, especially if used in parallel with the standard tools. Moreover, its characteristics (affordability, ease of use and potential for worldwide adoption) make it a powerful instrument to counteract cocaine production.
Assuntos
Cocaína/economia , Comércio/economia , Crime/economia , Controle de Medicamentos e Entorpecentes , Drogas Ilícitas/economia , Laboratórios/economia , Aplicação da Lei , Política Pública , Cocaína/síntese química , Cocaína/provisão & distribuição , Colômbia , Comércio/legislação & jurisprudência , Simulação por Computador , Crime/legislação & jurisprudência , Crime/prevenção & controle , Controle de Medicamentos e Entorpecentes/legislação & jurisprudência , Regulamentação Governamental , Humanos , Drogas Ilícitas/síntese química , Drogas Ilícitas/legislação & jurisprudência , Drogas Ilícitas/provisão & distribuição , Laboratórios/legislação & jurisprudência , Modelos Econométricos , Política Pública/economia , Política Pública/legislação & jurisprudência , Análise de Regressão , Fatores de Tempo , Meios de Transporte/economiaRESUMO
BACKGROUND: This ethnographic study was conducted along the U.S.-Mexico border, the centre of the western hemispheric illicit drugs trade. It examines factors that encouraged or discouraged drug traffickers to "get out of the game" (a common slang reference to leaving the drug business). METHODS: In-depth, life history interviews were conducted of thirty ex-traffickers in the El Paso/Ciudad Juárez area. Participants discussed their experiences exiting drug trafficking and their retrospective, often conflicted, feelings about the trade. RESULTS: Although leaving drug trafficking is a complex and multi-faceted process, the principle factors for study participants were (1) punishment (by authorities or other traffickers), (2) self-image and identity, (3) social ties, (4) life course changes and (5) drug use/abuse. CONCLUSION: Traffickers often want to quit, but their divided self-identities make it difficult to relinquish the power and exhilaration they derive from the illicit drugs business. Harm reduction policies are needed that address the embeddedness of trafficker identities in dense webs of family, community, street gangs and transnational cartels, and the larger society, as well as the seductive appeal of Hollywood and pro-cartel narco-media. Traffickers need pathways that allow them to exit the illicit drugs business without surrendering their identity. Prison sentences are not enough to encourage traffickers to stop-also needed are culturally sensitive policies that help traffickers get out of the game and stay out.
Assuntos
Crime/psicologia , Criminosos/psicologia , Controle de Medicamentos e Entorpecentes , Drogas Ilícitas/provisão & distribuição , Meios de Transporte , Conflito Psicológico , Crime/legislação & jurisprudência , Criminosos/legislação & jurisprudência , Características Culturais , Usuários de Drogas/psicologia , Controle de Medicamentos e Entorpecentes/legislação & jurisprudência , Humanos , Identificação Psicológica , Drogas Ilícitas/legislação & jurisprudência , Aplicação da Lei , México , Autoimagem , Comportamento Social , Transtornos Relacionados ao Uso de Substâncias/psicologia , Meios de Transporte/legislação & jurisprudência , Estados UnidosAssuntos
Crime/legislação & jurisprudência , Controle de Medicamentos e Entorpecentes/legislação & jurisprudência , Drogas Ilícitas , Cooperação Internacional , Liderança , Entorpecentes , Política Pública/legislação & jurisprudência , Violência/legislação & jurisprudência , América Central , Crime/tendências , Humanos , Drogas Ilícitas/provisão & distribuição , Entorpecentes/provisão & distribuição , Estados Unidos , Violência/prevenção & controleRESUMO
This article gives a detailed account of the cocaine industry and the related violence in the Peruvian Upper Huallaga. It is argued that in this cocaine producing region violence increased during state-led forced eradication operations of the coca plants. Most of the violent incidents were closely related to the diminishing cocaine industry, but they were also related to the actions of the state security forces. Instead of receiving support from the state's security apparatus, the population mobilized its own forces to fight the violence. As will be argued, the causes of violence in this cocaine enclave are part of a dynamic interaction amongst many factors - an interaction that is influenced by the local context, a partial state vacuum, and the social utility and the economic advantages of violence. One needs to be aware that motivations of those who engage in the violent behaviour can change over time, as underlying power structures are influenced by changes in local conditions. The study covers an in-depth account of events taking place in the Upper Huallaga during the years 2003-2007. The research material was collected by several ethnographical fieldwork methods.
Assuntos
Cocaína/provisão & distribuição , Comércio , Controle de Medicamentos e Entorpecentes , Drogas Ilícitas/provisão & distribuição , Aplicação da Lei , Política Pública , População Rural , Violência/prevenção & controle , Cocaína/economia , Comércio/economia , Comércio/legislação & jurisprudência , Características Culturais , Controle de Medicamentos e Entorpecentes/legislação & jurisprudência , Regulamentação Governamental , Humanos , Drogas Ilícitas/economia , Drogas Ilícitas/legislação & jurisprudência , Motivação , Peru , Poder Psicológico , Opinião Pública , Política Pública/economia , Política Pública/legislação & jurisprudência , Justiça Social , Meios de Transporte , Violência/economia , Violência/legislação & jurisprudênciaRESUMO
En este artículo expondré algunos impactos queresultan de la aplicación en América Latina de la políticade guerra a las drogas, incentivada por los sucesivosgobiernos norteamericanos en las últimas décadas. Meinteresa relevar qué aspectos particulares de la región hancontribuido con el fracaso de la política de combate a laproducción y al consumo. Hay que considerar que buenaparte de las iniciativas globales se confronta con situacionesparticulares que resisten al ajuste propuesto para terminarcon las drogas. Basada en el relevamiento de estas cuestionespropongo pensar las diferentes dimensiones involucradas enel problema del tráfico y consumo drogas, y en las políticasglobales orientadas a enfrentar este problema
In this article I will present some impacts resulting fromthe application of a policy of war against drugs in LatinAmerica, encouraged by consecutive American governmentsin the last decades. I am interested in gathering data aboutwhich particular aspects in the area have contributed tothe failure of this combat policy against production andconsumption. It has to be considered that many global initiatives are faced up to particular situations which go against the adjustments proposedto terminate with drugs. With respect to the data gathered about these issues, I suggestconsidering the different dimensions involved in the problem of drug trafficking andconsumption and the global policies oriented to address this problem
Assuntos
Humanos , Masculino , Feminino , Drogas Ilícitas/legislação & jurisprudência , Drogas Ilícitas/provisão & distribuição , América Latina , Estados UnidosRESUMO
El narcomenudeo se considera un fenómeno multicausal, que se manifiesta en los entornos próximos a los puntos de venta de sustancias estupefacientes, ligado a manifestaciones de conflictividad social, de violencia y de criminalidad. Los comportamientos de los actores involucrados en la compra, venta y consumo de drogas ilícitas propician alteraciones a la convivencia pacífica de los habitantes de esos sectores, tanto en su ámbito individual como colectivo. Esta investigación tuvo por objetivo identificar la estructura y funcionamiento del fenómeno del narcomenudeo a partir de un método de inteligencia policial, para asesorar la toma de decisiones de los comandantes de Policía en la planeación y prestación del servicio, así como en la interacción con las autoridades político-administrativas. La indagación permitió identificar las propiedades del narcomenudeo y las características de la organización delincuencial que monopoliza la actividad criminal en la ciudad de Pereira (Risaralda), Colombia. La metodología que se utilizó para la construcción subjetiva del fenómeno del narcomenudeo fue de carácter descriptivo cuali-cuantitativo, bajo la teoría de las representaciones sociales con enfoque fenomenológico. El narcomenudeo es un fenómeno asociado al mercado del narcotráfico, estructurado con el propósito de favorecer y maximizar las ganancias de un actor ilegal, basándose en un modelo organizacional que le garantiza estabilidad y protección al asentarse en el territorio, lo que se acompaña de mecanismos para constreñir el comportamiento colectivo de las personas
The so-called retail drug-dealing or retail narco-business is a multi-cause phenomenon taking place at the vicinities of points-of-sale where narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances are sold, in association with social conflictivity, violence, and criminality manifestations. The behavior of actors involved in the sale, purchase and use of illegal drugs promotes disturbances affecting the pacific co-existence of the inhabitants in these sectors, in both their individual and collective environment. The purpose of this investigation was to identify the structure and functioning of the retail-drug dealing phenomenon from a policy intelligence method, in order to provide Police commanders with advice in their decision-making regarding planning and service rendering, as well as their interaction with political-administrative authorities. Fact-finding helped identify the drug dealing properties and the features of the criminal organization having monopolized this criminal activity in the city of Pereira (Risaralda), Colombia. The methodology used for the subjective construction of the retail narco-business was of a descriptive qualification and quantification nature, based on the theory of social representations with a phenomenological approach. The phenomenon of retail drug-dealing is associated to the drug trafficking market; it is structured for the purpose of favoring and minimizing the profits of an illegal actor based on an organizational model that will secure him both stability and protection at the time of settling in the territory, together with mechanisms leading to constrain peoples collective behavior
O narcovarejo é considerado um fenômeno multicausal, aquele se manifesta nos ambientes próximos aos pontos da venda das substâncias estupefacientes, ligado às manifestações de conflito social, da violência e da criminalidade. Os comportamentos dos atores envolvidos na compra, na venda e no consumo de drogas ilícitas causam alterações à convivência pacífica dos habitantes daqueles setores, tanto quanto em seu espaço individual quanto coletivo. Esta pesquisa teve pelo objetivo identificar a estrutura e a operação do fenômeno do narcovarejo a partir de um método de inteligência policial, para recomendar à tomada de decisão dos comandantes da Polícia no planejamento e fornecimento do serviço, bem como na interação com as autoridades político-administrativas. A indagação permitiu identificar as propriedades do narcovarejo e as características da organização criminal que monopoliza a atividade criminal na cidade de Pereira (Risaralda), Colômbia. A metodologia que foi usada para a construção subjetiva do fenômeno do narcovarejo foi do caráter descritivo qualitativo-quantitativo, sob a teoria das representações sociais com um enfoque fenomenológico. O narcovarejo é um fenômeno associado ao mercado do narcotráfico, estruturado a fim favorecer e maximizar os ganhos de um ator ilegal, sendo baseado em um modelo organizacional que lhe garanta a estabilidade e a proteção ao ser baseado no território, que é acompanhado por mecanismos para restringir o comportamento coletivo das pessoas
Assuntos
Drogas Ilícitas/análise , Drogas Ilícitas/economia , Drogas Ilícitas/normas , Drogas Ilícitas/provisão & distribuiçãoRESUMO
BACKGROUND: Drug abuse is one of the main public health problems and mostly involves young people. AIM: To determine the prevalence of drug consumption among university students and its associated social factors. MATERIAL AND METHODS: A questionnaire exploring consumption of drugs and social-demographic, economic and religious variables, was applied to 1577 third year students aged 22 ± 2 years (54% females) of a public university. RESULTS: Sixty eight percent of the students were of middle socioeconomic class, 71 % belonged to some religion and 29% declared themselves as agnostic. Ninety six percent drank alcohol at least once and 29% never smoked. Among illicit drugs, marijuana was consumed by 22% followed by cocaine in 5.3%o, hallucinogenic drugs in 2.6 % >, inhalants in 2.3% > and cocaine free base in 1.4%). Six percent consumed stimulants and 13.8%>, sedatives. A higher economic income facilitated drug consumption and the adscription to a religion was protective against it. CONCLUSIONS: Alcohol is the most commonly consumed drug, and is the substance that generates more problems to students.