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Based on the Conservation of Resources Theory, this longitudinal study analyzes the contribution of organizational affective commitment during the preparation phase of a peacekeeping mission (T1) to explain the well-being of soldiers during that mission (T2). A sample of 409 Brazilian army participants in the MINUSTAH (United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti) was used in two waves - preparation of the troops in Brazil, and their deployment in Haitian territory. The data analysis was performed using structural equation modeling. The results supported organizational affective commitment during the preparation phase (T1) positively predicting the general well-being (perception of health and general satisfaction with life) of these soldiers during the deployment phase (T2). The workplace well-being (i.e. work engagement) of these peacekeepers was also found to mediate this relationship. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed, and limitations and suggestions for future research are presented.

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In 2010, Haiti experienced one of the deadliest cholera outbreaks of the 21st century. United Nations (UN) peacekeepers are widely believed to have introduced cholera, and the UN has formally apologized to Haitians and accepted responsibility. The current analysis examines how Haitian community members experienced the epidemic and documents their attitudes around accountability. Using SenseMaker, Haitian research assistants collected micronarratives surrounding 10 UN bases in Haiti. Seventy-seven cholera-focused micronarratives were selected for a qualitative thematic analysis. The five following major themes were identified: (1) Cholera cases and deaths; (2) Accessing care and services; (3) Protests and riots against the UN; (4) Compensation; and (5) Anti-colonialism. Findings highlight fear, frustration, anger, and the devastating impact that cholera had on families and communities, which was sometimes compounded by an inability to access life-saving medical care. Most participants believed that the UN should compensate cholera victims through direct financial assistance but there was significant misinformation about the UN's response. In conclusion, Haiti's cholera victims and their families deserve transparent communication and appropriate remedies from the UN. To rebuild trust in the UN and foreign aid, adequate remedies must be provided in consultation with victims.

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Sexual abuse and exploitation (SEA) perpetrated by UN peacekeepers while on mission is a violation of human rights and undermines the goal of upholding human rights in countries that host peacekeeping missions. In addition to survivors, children fathered by peacekeepers are also victims of SEA that need protection. Stigma poses negative life course consequences for SEA survivors and their peacekeeper-fathered children. However, there is a considerable lack of empirical research concerning the stigma experiences of SEA survivors and their children in post-colonial contexts. The present study addresses this knowledge gap by drawing on The United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti as a case study to examine the lived experiences of stigma among SEA survivors and their resultant children. Using 18 qualitative semi-structured interviews conducted in 2017 with Haitian women raising peacekeeper-fathered children, we organized qualitative codes according to Link and Phelan's conceptual model of stigma. The stigmatization process was explored through the themes of labeling, stereotyping, separation, and status loss and discrimination, as described by Link and Phelan. In addition, we nuanced the lived experiences of stigma by discussing the buffering roles of familial acceptance, skin phenotype, and the Haitian context. The findings have implications for the UN. We advocate that stigma be recognized and acted upon as a fundamental protection concern for SEA survivors and their children. Accordingly, the UN has an obligation to provide stigma-related supports for victims and complainants as well as to facilitate long-term child support for the children left behind by peacekeepers.

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In 2010 following a catastrophic earthquake, Haiti saw the beginning of what would become the world's largest cholera epidemic. Nepalese United Nations peacekeepers were later implicated as the source of cholera. Our research examines Haitian community beliefs and perceptions, six-and-a-half years after the outbreak began, regarding the origin of Haiti's cholera outbreak. A narrative capture tool was used to record micronarratives of Haitian participants surrounding ten United Nations bases across Haiti. Seventy-seven micronarratives focused on cholera were selected for qualitative analysis from a larger dataset. Three themes emerged: who introduced cholera to Haiti, how cholera was introduced to Haiti, and preventative measures against cholera. With varying levels of confidence, the origins of the epidemic were conceptualised as directly resulting from the actions of the United Nations and Nepalese peacekeepers, exhibiting a distrust of foreign intervention in Haiti and frustration with inadequate water and sanitation infrastructure that facilitated widespread transmission of cholera. This study reinforces the need for additional transparent communication from the UN to address ongoing misconceptions surrounding the cholera outbreak, action to clean water and sanitation practices in Haiti, and for the voices of Haitian citizens to be heard and included in reforming foreign aid delivery in the country.

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El 24 de noviembre del 2016 se firmó en Bogotá el Acuerdo final para la terminación del conflicto y la construcción de una paz estable y duradera, por el gobierno colombiano y la guerrilla de las Farc-EP. Este acuerdo creó la Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz (JEP) como parte central de un sistema de justicia transicional que privilegia la restauración frente a la retribución tradicional. Asimismo, estableció las sanciones que pueden ser impuestas a los responsables de delitos cometidos en el marco del conflicto armado colombiano y que no implican necesariamente la cárcel, lo que ha dado lugar a un abierto debate social y político. Aquí se analiza la concepción tradicional y los fines de la pena en el Derecho Penal para establecer sus diferencias con las sanciones y fines de la justicia transicional colombiana. Se concluye que este modelo trasciende los límites del Derecho Penal retributivo y ha sido desarrollado por una legislación que respeta la Constitución y los estándares del Derecho Internacional y de los derechos humanos, al tiempo que contribuye al logro de una paz con justicia en Colombia.

On November 24, 2016, the Final Agreement for the Termination of the Conflict and the Construction of a Stable and Lasting Peace, was signed in Bogota by the Colombian government and the Farc-EP (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-Ejército del Pueblo) guerrillas. This Final Agreement created a SPJ or Special Peace Jurisdiction (J.E.P.), and a transitional justice system that privileges restoration over traditional retribution. It also established the sanctions that can be imposed on those responsible for crimes committed in the context of the Colombian armed conflict, and which do not necessarily involve prison, which has given rise to an open social and political debate. This paper analyses the traditional conception and the purposes of punishment in criminal law to establish its differences with the sanctions and purposes of Colombian transitional justice. It is concluded that this model transcends the limits of retributive criminal law and has been developed by legislation that respects the Constitution and the standards of international law and human rights, while contributing to the achievement of peace with justice in Colombia.

Em 24 de novembro de 2016, o Acordo Final para o Término do Conflito e a Construção de uma Paz Estável e Duradoura foi assinado em Bogotá pelo governo colombiano e pelos guerrilheiros das FARC-EP. Este acordo criou a Jurisdição Especial para a Paz (JEP) como parte central de um sistema de justiça de transição que privilegia a restauração em detrimento da retribuição tradicional. Também estabeleceu as sanções que podem ser impostas aos responsáveis por crimes cometidos no contexto do conflito armado colombiano e que não necessariamente envolvem a prisão, o que deu origem a um debate social e político aberto. Aqui analisamos a concepção tradicional e os objetivos da punição no direito penal a fim de estabelecer como ela difere das sanções e dos objetivos da justiça transicional colombiana. Conclui-se que este modelo transcende os limites do direito penal retributivo e foi desenvolvido por uma legislação que respeita a Constituição e as normas do direito internacional e dos direitos humanos, ao mesmo tempo em que contribui para a conquista da paz com justiça na Colômbia.

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Después de varias décadas de conflicto armado en Colombia, el Gobierno colombiano y las Farc-EP firmaron, en 2016, el Acuerdo Final para la terminación del conflicto y la construcción de una paz estable y duradera. No obstante, este acuerdo no fue refrendado por la ciudadanía, en un plebiscito celebrado ese mismo año. En 2018, ganó las elecciones presidenciales un candidato que prometió cambiar las condiciones del Acuerdos Final y modificar uno de sus principales instrumentos: la Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz (JEP). En ese contexto esta investigación se pregunta: ¿cuál es la opinión de los colombianos sobre el Acuerdo Final y la JEP? La investigación indaga en las opiniones de los colombianos a través de un análisis estadístico comparativo de tres encuestas de opinión de 2016, 2018 y 2020. Los resultados detallan los cambios actitudinales ocurridos en esos años, como la disminución del rechazo frontal a los Acuerdos de Paz y el leve incremento de las posibilidades de reintegración de los excombatientes a la vida civil. También, expone algunas reticencias al cambio, como la desconfianza persistente, la reafirmación del rechazo al indulto de los excombatientes (punitivismo) y a su participación política (ostracismo).

After several decades of armed conflict in Colombia, the Colombian Government and the Farc-EP signed, in 2016, the Final Agreement for the termination of the conflict and the construction of a stable and lasting peace. However, this agreement was not endorsed by the citizenry, in a plebiscite held that same year. In 2018, the presidential elections were won by a candidate who promised to change the conditions of the Final Agreement and to modify one of its main instruments: the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP). In this context, this research asks: what is the opinion of Colombians on the Final Agreement and the SJP? The research inquiries into the opinions of Colombians through a comparative statistical analysis of three opinion polls from 2016, 2018 and 2020. The results detail the attitudinal changes that occurred in those years, such as the decrease in the frontal rejection of the Peace Accords and the slight increase in the possibilities of reintegration of ex-combatants to civilian life. It also exposes some reluctance to change, such as persistent distrust, the reaffirmation of the rejection of pardoning ex-combatants (punitivism) and their political participation (ostracism).

Após várias décadas de conflito armado na Colômbia, o governo colombiano e as FARC-EP assinaram, em 2016, o Acordo Final para o fim do conflito e a construção de uma paz estável e duradoura. Entretanto, este acordo não foi endossado pelos cidadãos em um plebiscito realizado no mesmo ano. Em 2018, as eleições presidenciais foram ganhas por um candidato que prometeu mudar as condições do Acordo Final e modificar um de seus principais instrumentos: a Jurisdição Especial para a Paz (JEP). Neste contexto, esta pesquisa pergunta: qual é a opinião dos colombianos sobre o Acordo Final e o SJP? A pesquisa investiga as opiniões dos colombianos através de uma análise estatística comparativa de três pesquisas de opinião de 2016, 2018 e 2020. Os resultados detalham as mudanças de atitude que ocorreram nesses anos, tais como a diminuição da rejeição direta dos Acordos de Paz e o leve aumento das possibilidades de reintegração de ex-combatentes na vida civil. Também expõe alguma relutância em mudar, como a desconfiança persistente, a reafirmação da rejeição do perdão de ex-combatentes (punitivismo) e de sua participação política (ostracismo).

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Peacekeeping missions have been marred by reports of sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) against local community members. However, there is limited research on how SEA against women/girls versus men/boys is perceived in peacekeeping host societies. In 2017 we collected micro-narratives in Haiti and then conducted a thematic analysis to understand how peacekeeper-perpetrated SEA was perceived by local community members comparing SEA against women/girls versus SEA against men/boys. Both male and female participants used language which suggested the normalization, in Haitian society, of both transactional sex with and rape of women/girls by UN personnel. In contrast, peacekeeper-perpetrated SEA against men/boys was viewed as unacceptable and was associated with homosexuality and related stigmatization. Overall, our results suggest that in Haiti, inequitable gender norms, the commodification of female sexuality, and homophobia result in SEA against males being recognized as a wrong that elicits outrage, while SEA against women/girls has been normalized. It is important to address the normalization of SEA against women/girls to prevent future violence and to recognize that SEA is also perpetrated against men/boys. Survivor-centered programs, sensitive to the needs of both male and female survivors, are required.

RESUMO

Based on the work-family enrichment theory, this study analyzes the contribution of work-family and family-work enrichment to explain the military's well-being during a peacekeeping mission. The data used were collected in a sample of 306 Brazilian soldiers, who were married and/or had children, during the phase named "employment of troops" (i.e., when peacekeepers had been in the Haitian territory and, as a result, away from their families, for between three to five months). Data analysis was performed using the Structural Equations Model. It was observed that the military's perception of their spouses' support for their participation during the mission had a positive relationship with both family-to-work enrichment and work-to-family enrichment, and the work-to-family enrichment mediated the relationship between the perception of the spouses' support and the military's health perception and general satisfaction with life. Theoretical and practical implications were discussed and limitations and suggestions for future research were presented.

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The UN maintains a zero-tolerance policy on sexual interactions between peacekeepers and beneficiaries of assistance. Our research describes the lived experience of engaging sexually with UN peacekeepers during Mission des Nations Unies pour la Stabilisation en Haiti (MINUSTAH) from the perspectives of Haitian women/girls. Eighteen semi-structured interviews were conducted with Haitian women raising children fathered by MINUSTAH peacekeepers. Transcripts were analyzed according to empirical phenomenology.Adverse socio-economic conditions were key contextual factors. Three themes related to the nature of the sexual interactions emerged: sexual violence, transactional sex, and long-term transactional relationships imbedded in perceptions of love. Most sexual interactions were transactional and nuanced since the peacekeeper assumed the role of romantic and material provider. Sexual consent was conceptualised as the ability to weigh the benefits and consequences of engaging sexually with peacekeepers. Sexual violence was identified among minors and in instances of sexual abuse.This study provides empirical evidence to support a nuanced understanding of sexual relationships between women/girls and peacekeepers. In addition to holding peacekeepers accountable, a harm-reduction approach that aims to raise awareness for peacekeeping codes of conduct and provide comprehensive reproductive and sexual education should be considered.

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Resumen Este artículo analiza la incorporación de la Resolución 1325 del Consejo de Seguridad de Naciones Unidas y sus Resoluciones Complementarias -las que conforman la Agenda Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad- en las Resoluciones que crearon las Operaciones de Mantenimiento de la Paz desde el año 2000 en adelante, que justamente son creadas por el mismo Organismo. Teóricamente, se proponen tres estadios de análisis: la mujer como sujeto de protección, la mujer como sujeto de pacificación y la promoción de la perspectiva de género, basándose en el contenido de la Agenda Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad. Tales estadios se aplican en las Resoluciones seleccionadas por medio de un análisis de texto. Las conclusiones evidencian falencias en la incorporación de la Resolución 1325 y sus Resoluciones Complementarias, instrumentos promovidos desde el propio Consejo de Seguridad de Naciones Unidas, junto con mostrar la existencia de una variabilidad en la forma como se incorporaron estos estadios de análisis en la selección de casos.

Abstract This article analyzes the incorporation of Resolution 1325 of the United Nations Security Council and it's Complementary Resolutions -that compose the Women, Peace, and Security Agenda- in the Resolutions that have created the Peacekeeping Operations from the year 2000 onwards, which are just created by the same Organization. Theoretically three concepts of analysis are proposed: the woman as subject of protection, the woman as subject of pacification, and the promotion of the gender perspective, based on the content of the Women, Peace, and Security Agenda. Such concepts are applied in the Resolutions selected by means of a text analysis. The conclusions show weaknesses in the incorporation of Resolution 1325 and it's Complementary Resolutions, instruments promoted by the United Nations Security Council itself, together with the existence of variability in the way in which these stages of analysis were incorporated into the selection of cases.

Resumo Este artigo analisa a incorporação da Resolução 1325 do Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas e suas Resoluções Complementares - as que compõem a Agenda de Mulheres, Paz e Segurança- nas Resoluções que criaram as Operações da Manutenção da Paz a partir do ano 2000, que são criados apenas pela mesma agência. Teoricamente, três etapas de análise são propostas: a mulher como sujeito de proteção, a mulher como sujeito de pacificação e a promoção da perspectiva de gênero, com base no conteúdo da Agenda da Mulher de Paz e Segurança. Tais estágios são aplicados nas Resoluções selecionadas por meio de uma análise de texto. As conclusões mostram fragilidade na incorporação da Resolução 1325 e suas Resoluções Complementares, nos instrumentos promovidos pelo próprio Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas, além de mostrar a existência de uma variabilidade na forma como essas etapas de analise foram Incorporadas Na Seleção De Casos.