RESUMO

PIP: The author gathered 1965 and 1975 socioeconomic data on 71 developing countries from a variety of sources such as UNESCO and the World Bank. He applied these data to strict tests to confirm the nonlinear fertility literacy relationship. The total fertility rate (TFR) was the dependent variable. In 1975, the TFR was as low as 2.2 in Singapore and as high as 8.1 in Rwanda. The unweighted mean stood at 5.8. Independent variables included real gross domestic product/worker (earnings); ratio of female literacy over male literacy; natural logarithm of fraction of labor force engaged in agriculture, forestry, hunting, and fishing; population density; male literacy; and strength of the family planning program. The statistical regression revealed that fertility rose slightly (mean=0.25 of a child) with an initial growth in the literacy rate. In fact, it peaked when 25-50% of the adult male population were literate. As the adult male literacy rate increased to the point where almost everyone was literate, fertility fell swiftly to 2 children. These changes were stable across the board. Between 1965-1975, the male literacy rate increased from 46-57% which resulted in a reduction of .51 children in the TFR. Algeria, Nigeria, and Pakistan whose male literacy levels ranged only from 23-42% stalled at high fertility levels. Fertility decreased considerable in countries where family planning programs were valued at least 4.7, even when no significant changes occurred in literacy, earnings, density, or agricultural composition. Morocco, valued at 4, only experienced a change of -.561 whereas China, valued at 25, experienced a change of -1.506. Thus to reduce fertility, policy makers must set high literacy levels as goals recognizing, however, that fertility will 1st rise as literacy bigins its ascent. Further they should either estiablish or strengthen existing family planning programs.^ieng

Assuntos

Agricultura , Coeficiente de Natalidade , Comparação Transcultural , Coleta de Dados , Escolaridade , Fertilidade , Planejamento em Saúde , Densidade Demográfica , Dinâmica Populacional , Análise de Regressão , Salários e Benefícios , África , América , Ásia , América Central , Demografia , Países em Desenvolvimento , Economia , Emprego , Serviços de Planejamento Familiar , Fiji , Geografia , Mão de Obra em Saúde , América do Norte , Ilhas do Pacífico , Polinésia , População , Pesquisa , Classe Social , Fatores Socioeconômicos , América do Sul , Estatística como Assunto

RESUMO

PIP: Mexican family planning officials used date from the 1990 population census to revise population growth estimates and determine program needs for different family planning institutions during 1990-94. Total fertility rates were used to estimate fertility, using information from sociodemographic surveys taken over the past 10 years. Total fertility rates were estimated at 3.29 in 1987, 2.8 in 1990, and projected at 2.5 in 1994. These rates correspond to a crude birth rate of 24-25/1000 in 1990 and 22-23 in 1994 and natural increase rates of 1.87% and 1.67%. In obtaining these estimates, the structure of fertility of the 1987 National Survey of Fertility and Health and the program projections of women by ages of the National Population Council and the National Institute of Statistics, Geography, and were considered. The TARGET model was used to estimate the numbers of women in union using different modern methods who would need to be served by family planning programs in order to meet the proposed total fertility rates. The prevalence of sterilization, IUDS, and oral contraceptives (OCs) in women in union would be 59% in 1990 and 62% in 1994, or in absolute terms 7.8 million women in 1990 and 9.3 million in 1994. The public sector has replaced the private as the major source of family planning services. The Mexican Institute of Social Security (IMSS) share is expected to increase from 48.3% of users in 1990 to 56.5% in 1994. The other 3 public sector institutions will maintain their current level of coverage. The private sector has played a smaller role in family planning in Mexico than in many other countries, and the state will thus have the major responsibility for service provision, including family planning education, promotion, and counseling of prospective clients. Existing services should be made more accessible as far as physical access and hours of operation, and the methods available should be increased beyond OCs and condoms. Traditional midwives in rural areas should be trained to administer modern methods in collaboration with institutional health services so that rural-urban differences in coverage and quality can be decreased. It is estimated that, of the 59% of women in union who want no more children, 44% are using a traditional method or no method. Encouraging these women to use contraception is a challenge for the family planning program. It will not be enough to communicate the general advantages of family planning; specific information on each method is needed. The integration of family planning into maternal-child health services is necessary for the focus on reproductive health and preventing high risk pregnancies. Health services should cooperate with the civil registration system to identify newlyweds and provide them with family planning information. Greater efforts are needed to reach adolescents through cooperation with educational institutions.^ieng

Assuntos

Coeficiente de Natalidade , Programas Governamentais , Planejamento em Saúde , Necessidades e Demandas de Serviços de Saúde , Organização e Administração , Técnicas de Planejamento , América , Demografia , Países em Desenvolvimento , Economia , Serviços de Planejamento Familiar , Fertilidade , América Latina , México , América do Norte , População , Dinâmica Populacional

RESUMO

PIP: The preliminary results of the 1986 Colombian Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) of 4480 households -- 5329 individual interviews of women ranging in age from 15-49 years -- suggested a decline in the total fertility rate (TFR) by 1.4 during the last 10 years, from 4.8 to 3.4. Contraceptive use increased 2 percentage points between 1976-86, from 43% to 63% of currently married women. Current use of contraception varied according to age: 58% of women under 30 and 67% of women over 30 used contraception. There also were differentials according to parity: 57% of women with 0-2 children, 75% of women with 3-4 children, and 61% of women with 5 or more children used some contraceptive method. 53% of rural and 68% of urban women used contraception. The 1986 survey findings suggest that female sterilization may have replaced oral contraceptive (OC) use as the preferred method. Of the 63% of all women surveyed currently using some method, 18% adopted sterilization, 17% OC, and 10% the IUD. 70% of married women interviewed wanted no more children. 31% of women who indicated they wanted no more children were not using contraception, a decline from the 50% unmet need reported in 1976.^ieng

Assuntos

Coeficiente de Natalidade , Comportamento Contraceptivo , Paridade , Projetos de Pesquisa , Comportamento Sexual , América , Colômbia , Anticoncepção , Demografia , Países Desenvolvidos , Países em Desenvolvimento , Características da Família , Serviços de Planejamento Familiar , Fertilidade , América Latina , População , Dinâmica Populacional , Pesquisa , América do Sul

RESUMO

PIP: Preliminary results are presented from the Third National Contraceptive Prevalence Survey of Colombia, which took place in 1986. The sample of about 4500 households was representative on the national, urban, rural, and regional levels. The total fertility rate for 1986 was estimated at 4.9 in rural areas, 2.8 in urban areas including Bogota, and 3.2 for the country as a whole, compared to 4.4 in 1976 and 6.7 in 1969. Fertility changes in women over 30 have been particularly important in the past 10 years. The number of live births per 1000 women declined from 233 in 1971-75 to 183 in 1981-86 for women aged 20-24, from 227 to 173 for women aged 25-29, from 176 to 122 for women aged 30-34, from 131 to 79 for women aged 35-39, and from 67 to 30 for women aged 40-44. 69% of women in unions did not want more children. 30% of those aged 15-19 did not want more children and 29% did not want more for at least 2 years. 98% of Colombian women knew of some contraceptive method. 82.6% of women currently in union have used a method and 63.2% were using a method at the time of the interview. 51% used a modern method. The pill was most often used by younger women, the IUD by slightly older women, and voluntary sterilization was preferred by women over 30. Women using IUDs tended to be better educated and to live in urban areas. 24% of women in union in Bogota used IUDs in 1986. Sterilization was more prevalent in the Atlantic region and in less educated women. Contraceptive usage increased from 43% to 63% of women in union between 1976-86. 18% of Colombian women were sterilized as of 1986. PROFAMILIA clinics are the most important source of IUDs and female sterilization, while drugstores and pharmacies are the most important source for pills, vaginal spermicides, condoms, and injectables. 31% of women who stated they wanted no more children were not using any family planning method. The unsatisfied need was greater for younger women, the less educated, rural women, and those in the Atlantic region.^ieng

Assuntos

Fatores Etários , Coeficiente de Natalidade , Comportamento Contraceptivo , Coleta de Dados , Demografia , Características da Família , Serviços de Planejamento Familiar , Idade Materna , Características da População , População , Pesquisa , População Rural , Comportamento Sexual , População Urbana , América , Colômbia , Anticoncepção , Atenção à Saúde , Países Desenvolvidos , Países em Desenvolvimento , Fertilidade , Objetivos , Programas Governamentais , Instituições Privadas de Saúde , Planejamento em Saúde , Serviços de Saúde , Administração de Serviços de Saúde , Necessidades e Demandas de Serviços de Saúde , América Latina , Medicina , Dinâmica Populacional , Estudos de Amostragem , América do Sul

RESUMO

PIP: In 1940, Chile had a population of slightly over 5 million, a crude birth rate of 36.4/1000, a death rate of 21.3/1000, and a natural increase of 1.5%. Between 1940-65, birth rates remained stable and high while the death rate declined steadily, so that the rate of natural increase gradually rose to 2.6%. After 1965, the birth rate declined faster than the death rate, and the natural increase rate slowly returned to its 1940 level--this due to lower fertility rather than high mortality. A slight increase in fertility rates followed a pronatalist campaign launched in 1978, but another slight decline began in 1982. The natural increase rate in 1985 was 1.6%. A private family planning organization was started in chile in the early 1960s to respond to the problem of illegal abortion. Studies had shown that 80% of Chilean women seeking abortion were married or in stable unions with 3 or more living children. In 1965, Chile's new family planning organization reached an agreement with the Ministry of Health whereby free family planning information and services would be offered in Ministry of Health facilities facilities to all women seeking them. The association also became a member of the International Planned Parenthood Federation, enabling it to receive external aid in the form of modern contraceptives and gynecological equipment. In its 21 years of existence, the family planning associated has maintained its agreement with the Ministry of Health and initiated others. Between 1960-84, with availability of family planning services, age specific fertility rates declined slightly for women aged 15-19 and very greatly for older women. In 1960 and 1984 respectively, age specific rates were 72.6 and 64.0 for women aged 15-19, 211.1 and 141.1 for women 20-24, 240.9 and 127.6 for those 25-05.5 and 90.8 for those 30-34, 141.4 and 45.0 for those 35-39, and 62.2 and 14.4 for those 40-44. The total fertility rate was 4.7 in 1960 and 2.4 in 1984. The family planning program has greatly reduced health risks from multiparity, but adolescent pregnancy continues to pose a threat for mothers and children, especially since over half of births to women under 20 are illegitimate. Chile's infant mortality rates were 192.8 1940, 120.3 in 1960, and 19.7 in 1985. Between 1960-85, the neonatal rate declined from 35.2 to 10.4. It is possible that decline in late infant mortality was relative to the declining proportion of unwanted births made possible by availability of family planning services. It has been estimated that 30% of the decline in infant mortality between 1972-82 was due to the decline in high order births made possible by family planning. Maternal mortality has declined due to better care during pregnancy and delivery, decline in illegal abortions, and decreased fertility among women over 35.^ieng

Assuntos

Aspirantes a Aborto , Coeficiente de Natalidade , Causas de Morte , Atenção à Saúde , Demografia , Fertilidade , Programas Governamentais , Instituições Privadas de Saúde , Planejamento em Saúde , Serviços de Saúde , Mortalidade Infantil , Idade Materna , Mortalidade Materna , Medicina , Mortalidade , Dinâmica Populacional , Crescimento Demográfico , População , Projetos de Pesquisa , Aborto Criminoso , Aborto Induzido , América , Chile , Países Desenvolvidos , Países em Desenvolvimento , Serviços de Planejamento Familiar , Saúde , América Latina , Organização e Administração , Gravidez , Gravidez na Adolescência , Reprodução , Pesquisa , América do Sul

RESUMO

PIP: Costa Rica's demographic and economic characteristics are highlighted. Costa Rica's demographic situation is unique in certain respects. Between the late 1950s and the late 1970s, the total fertility rate declined from about 7 to 4 and then stabilized instead of continuing to decline to 2 as expected. This is especially surprising since the level of contraceptive use is similar to that of most European countries. Approximately 2/3 of all couples practice contraception. It is possible that the rate will slowly decline to the expected level, but a delayed decline will ultimately produce a much larger population than initially expected. The demographic situation in Costa Rica is being carefully monitored for insights which might be useful in predicting future fertility patterns in other developing countries. The government of Costa Rica recognizes that family planning is a necessary component of maternal and child health care; however, most family planning services are provided by private organizations. In 1982, population size was 2.6 million, the crude birth rate was 30.7, the crude death rate was 3.9, infant mortality was 19.3, and the rate of natural increase was 2.7%. The population is predominantly Spanish, and the indigenous population totals only 20,000. 48% of the population is urban. Costa Rica has a relatively stable deomocratic government. It relationshiops with other countries are generally peaceful, but tensions between Nicaragua and Costa Rica are increasing. The country's economic situation deteriorated in recent years due primarily to a decline in the price of coffee, the country's principle export commodity. The trade deficit increased markedly, unemployment increased, and income fell sharply. The economic slowdown is now showing signs of a reversal. In 1983 exports, consisting primarily of coffee, bananas, beef, sugar, cane and cacao, totalled US$871 million, and imports, consisting mainly of manufactured goods and equipment, chemicals, fuel, food, and fertilizer, amounted to US$870 million. In 1983 the per capita gross national product was US$1020.^ieng

Assuntos

Coeficiente de Natalidade , Comportamento Contraceptivo , Fertilidade , Características da População , Dinâmica Populacional , Comportamento Sexual , América , América Central , Anticoncepção , Costa Rica , Demografia , Países Desenvolvidos , Países em Desenvolvimento , Economia , Serviços de Planejamento Familiar , América Latina , América do Norte , Política , População

Assuntos

Coeficiente de Natalidade , Fertilidade , Casamento , População Rural , População Urbana , Fatores Etários , América , Colômbia , Demografia , Países em Desenvolvimento , América Latina , População , Características da População , Dinâmica Populacional , América do Sul

RESUMO

PIP: Cuba's post-revolution demographic trends, especially in regard to fertility and emigration, and the causes and consequences of these trends, were examined using available statistical data. The authors maintain that both fertility and emigration trends were highly infuenced by economic factors. The trends are described in the context of the social and economic changes instituted by the revolutionary government. Government policies were aimed at 1) eradicating inequalities in housing, income, education, and health; 2) improving the status of women; and 3) upgrading the living standards of the rural population. Government policies did alleviate many social problems and greatly improved the health and educational status of the population; however, these policies had a marked adverse effect on economic performance. The demographic transition began in Cuba earlier than in most other developing countries and it began long before the 1959 revolution. These earlier changes must be taken into account when assessing the impact of post-revolution policies on demographic trends. Cuba's birthrate declined from 26-14.8/1000 population between 1959-1979 and the total fertility rate declined from 3.7-1.9 between 1970-1978; however, during the 1960s there was a baby boom and the birth rate for 1963 exceeded 35/1000 population. The baby boom was largely a response to the temporary improvement in economic conditions which occurred shortly after the revolution. The decline in fertility during the 1970s was due in part to the increased availability of abortion and contraceptive services and to a decline in the marriage rate; however, Cuba's deteriorating economy was also a major contributing factor. The baby boom of the 1960s is negativley affecting the current economy of the country. Individuals born during the baby boom are entering adulthood and are contributing toward Cuba's current unemployment problems. Prior to the revolution, Cuba experienced a high rate of in-migration. Immediately after the revolution this pattern was reversed and between 1959-1980 more than 800,000 Cubans emigrated. Most of these emigrants went to the U.S. A large proportion of the earlier emigrants were members of the upper and middle socioeconomic classes. Recent emigrants were more evenly representative of all segments of Cuba's population. The socioeconomic characteristics of the emigrants are described and their adjustment in the U.S. is discussed. Tables provide statistical data on Cuba's demographic trends.^ieng

Assuntos

Coeficiente de Natalidade , Emigração e Imigração , Crescimento Demográfico , Política Pública , População Rural , Mudança Social , Fatores Socioeconômicos , Estatística como Assunto , População Urbana , Distribuição por Idade , América , Região do Caribe , Cuba , Demografia , Países em Desenvolvimento , Economia , Escolaridade , Emprego , Serviços de Planejamento Familiar , Fertilidade , Habitação , Renda , América Latina , Idade Materna , Mortalidade , América do Norte , Política , População , Características da População , Dinâmica Populacional , Pesquisa , Distribuição por Sexo , Razão de Masculinidade , Sociologia , Estados Unidos , Direitos da Mulher

RESUMO

PIP: Focus in this discussion is on demography and development in Costa Rica. In a 15-year period, during the 1960s and the 1st years of the 1970s, Costa Rica achieved the fastest and steepest fertility decline yet recorded in Latin America. The crude birthrate dropped from a high point in 1959 of 48.3/1000 to a low of 29.9/1000 in 1973. During the same period, the death rate declined from 9.2/1000 to 5.2/1000 by 1973. Because of this, the drop in the rate of natural increase, from 3.9% a year in 1959 to 2.47% in 1973, was not quite as pronounced in percentage terms. During those same years infant mortality dropped from 74/1000 to about 45/1000. The total fertility rate declined from 7.3 children in 1960 to 5.5 in 1968 and to just above 4 children in 1973. The major thrust of the decline originated primarily in popular perception of the imbalance between an unnecessarily high birthrate and changed socioeconomic conditions toward the end of the 1950s, of which improvements in health and general social care were among the most influential. It is not so much the economic performance of Costa Rica that distinguishes it from its neighbors as its social condition. What keeps Costa Rica from being a "banana republic" is its comparatively much higher level of social indicators: newspaper circulation per capita and the amount of newsprint consumption, the extraordinary number of bookstores in San Jose, the number of physicians and hospital beds per person, the number of teachers and students enrolled at all levels of education, and its extremely low mortality rate and very high longevity. The total fertility rate appears to have entered a period of stagnation or pause, with virtually no decline since 1974 and even a slight increase since 1976. In the 5-year period since 1973, the decline through 1978 amounted to only 5%. In the preceding 1968-73 period it wasmore than 26%. The number of births/1000 women in the 15-19 year old age group remains constant and is comparatively very high. The age specific statistics that are presented fail to give any indication as to why the recent stagnation has occurred, or whether it is a passing or a long term phenomenon. The following possible explanations, which are grouped into 3 categories, are reviewed: those relating to reproductive behavior itself, policy issues, and the role of socioeconomic influences. In the area of reproductive behavior, the evidence indicates that Costa Ricans still want a fairly large family. It needs to be clarified that the Costa Rican government has never had and does not now have a program designed primarily to reduce natality. With regard to development problems, the most marked feature in the Costa Rican panorama is its internal imbalance. The social aspects of development have been given more attention than the economic.^ieng

Assuntos

Coeficiente de Natalidade , Economia , Mortalidade Infantil , Idade Materna , Mortalidade , Dinâmica Populacional , Política Pública , Mudança Social , América , América Central , Costa Rica , Demografia , Países em Desenvolvimento , Fertilidade , Planejamento em Saúde , América Latina , América do Norte , População