RESUMO
PURPOSE: Herein lies a brief historical review of the practice of artificial cranial deformation (ACD) in Tiwanaku, Bolivia, a pre-Columbian archeological ruin once regarded as one of the most powerful pre-Inca regions whose influence extended into present-day Peru and Chile from 600 to 1000 AD. We describe the history, purpose, and implications of ACD from both a neuroanatomical and cultural perspective. METHODS: A literature review was conducted through PubMed on the history of artificial cranial deformation in South America, concentrating on the Tiwanaku region. The authors searched all available data with no specific time reference, using the mentioned keywords: ACD, neuroanatomical implications of ACD, cultural and social functions of ACD, Tiwanaku society, and Andean civilization. RESULTS: Early Andean civilization was hierarchical and stratified. In Tiwanaku, the practice of ACD served to delineate one's social class, caste, lineage, and vocation. This was especially useful for warriors, who distinguished their fellow combatants from insurgents by differences in their cranial structure. ACD was usually conducted within the first few months of an infant's life before morphogenetic features became permanent. Two popular cranial styles-tabular and annular-were achieved by applying various mechanical apparatus and resulted in several cranial shapes (conical, box-like, flattened, etc.). Neuroanatomically, each deformation technique and the duration for which mechanical stress was applied influenced the solidification of cranial bones and shaped the frontal, occipital, parietal, and temporal bones differently. Cognitive deficits and plagiocephalic defects were recorded in limitation and may have been overlooked as the era's occupational demands were more labor-intensive than knowledge-driven. CONCLUSION: In Tiwanaku, the custom of ACD was used to demonstrate group identity, with alterations of the cranial shape corresponding to a particular headdress. ACD was used to distinguish an individual's social identity, separating different groups of society into castes, classes, and slaves (Brain, 1979). The custom has also been used to mark territory and emphasize ethnic differences among groups, with potential cognitive implications that were largely unrecorded.
Assuntos
Arqueologia , Osso Temporal , Lactente , Humanos , Bolívia , América do Sul , Peru , Arqueologia/métodosRESUMO
Quechua Amerindians established Inca Empire and chose Cuzco as their capital. Their language is closely related to that of Aymara ethnic group and both of them were originated from Titikaka Lake Altiplano area. In the present study we have analyzed Bolivian Quechua HLA profile and found that it has common characters with other Andean and Pacific Amerindians (Uros, Aymaras, Lamas, Mapuches, Athabascan), and Pacific Islanders, including Easter Islanders: relatively high frequency of HLA-A*24 (:02), class II haplotypes DRB1*08:02-DQB1*04:02, and DRB1*04:03-DQB1* 03:02. Titikaka Lake area prehistoric populations: Quechua, Aymaras and Uros are closely related according to HLA Nei DA genetic distances and other HLA traits: they built up Tiwanaku culture, which resembles that of Easter Island (i.e.: similar giant heads); later, Quechuas also moved to Cuzco. This genetic reletedness together with Easter Island and Titikaka Lake Tiwanaku (Bolivia, Peru) cultural common similarities support a prehistoric Pacific people/Amerindians gene flow.
Assuntos
Fluxo Gênico , Antígenos HLA/genética , Haplótipos , Indígenas Sul-Americanos/genética , Alelos , Bolívia , Frequência do Gene , Voluntários Saudáveis , Teste de Histocompatibilidade , HumanosRESUMO
Aymara people has been a relatively homogeneous group since Spanish Conquest by 1,532 CE, even if previously represented a group of various cultural defined populations who gave rise to them. They were and are established in Andean Altiplano around Titikaka Lake (Bolivia, Peru), Argentina and Chile neighborhood, speak Aymara language and have been maintained after Europeans arrival at a lower social status than Quechua (Inca) speaking people. However, both Aymara and Quechua populations acknowledge Titikaka Lake as center of their origins; both languages are also related. Specific high frequencies of HLA-A*02, -A*24 and -A*68, HLA-B*35, -B*39 and -B*48, HLA-DRB1*08:02, -DRB1*09:01, and -DRB1*14:02, and HLA-DQB1*04:02, -DQB1*03:02 and -DQB1*03:01 alleles are found in Aymaras and HLA class II haplotypes common to Andean Amerindians (DRB1*08:02-DQB1*04:02 and DRB1*04:03-DQB1*03:02), like Quechua, Aymara, Uros, Lamas and Mapuche are also found in Easter and other Pacific Islands. Giant human head stone statues at Tiwanaku (Titikaka Lake, Bolivia) are also found at Easter Island. Thus, it is possible a gene and cultural flow between Andean Amerindians and Easter and other Pacific Islands, as it was demonstrated by Thor Heyerdahl in his Kon-Tiki expedition which reached Pacific Islands sailing from El Callao Harbour (Lima, Peru).
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Genótipo , Antígenos HLA-A/genética , Antígenos HLA-B/genética , Antígenos HLA-C/genética , Cadeias beta de HLA-DQ/genética , Cadeias HLA-DRB1/genética , Indígenas Sul-Americanos , Bolívia , América Central , Fluxo Gênico , Frequência do Gene , Genética Populacional , Humanos , Havaiano Nativo ou Outro Ilhéu do Pacífico , América do SulRESUMO
In the decades since Verano (1997) published his foundational piece on Andean paleopathology, scholars have recognized the importance of the bioarchaeology of childhood. Yet, scholarship on ancient childhood in the Andes deemphasizes paleopathology. Nonadult paleopathological data are often employed in large-scale, biocultural studies focused on environmental or political adaptations; however, they can also elucidate children's individual lived experiences and roles in society. To generate culturally-meaningful paleopathological data, we must take a contextualized approach to our analyses and interpretations. Disparate use of chronological age in published datasets makes synthesis across studies problematic, and ethnohistorical and ethnographic data on Andean children demonstrate that developmental age categories, rather than chronological age ranges, are most appropriate. Further, paleopathological data can best inform our investigations when they are combined with related datasets such as those on sex, diet, activity, and mobility. With that in mind, we use the theoretical framework of "local biologies" (and the related "situated biologies"), where biology is viewed as heavily contingent on culturally-specific beliefs and practices and local physical, sociocultural, and political environments (Lock, 1993, 2001; Niewöhner and Lock, 2018). Local biologies approaches can enrich social bioarchaeology and paleopathology to by specifically situating children and their experiences within the ancient Andean world.
Assuntos
Doença/história , Paleopatologia , Projetos de Pesquisa , Fatores Etários , Criança , Características Culturais , Difusão de Inovações , Doença/etnologia , Feminino , Previsões , História Antiga , Humanos , Masculino , Paleopatologia/tendências , Projetos de Pesquisa/tendências , América do SulRESUMO
Uros people live in floating reed islands in Titikaka Lake in front of Puno town (Peru). They could have started Tiwanaku culture and shared genes and culture with Pacific Islanders; it is particularly relevant the giant hat covered men statues found in both Tiwanaku at Titikaka Lake shore and Easter Island (3700â¯km far from Chile in Pacific Ocean). These giants monoliths are very similar one another and unique in America and Pacific Islands. The following HLA alleles are shared in a specifically high frequency between Uros and Pacific Islanders : HLA-A*24:02, HLA-B*35:05, HLA-B*48:01, HLA-DRB1*04:03, HLA-DRB1*08:02 and HLA-DRB1*09:01. Uros also have 3 unique HLA haplotypes: A*24:02-B*15:04â¯-â¯DRB1*14:02-DQB1*03:01, A*68:01:02-B*35:05-DRB1*04:03-DQB1*03:02, A*24:02-B*48:01-DRB1*04:03-DQB1*03:02. Also Uros seem to be one of the most ancient population in Titikaka Lake that could have started Tiwanaku culture. Prehistoric contacts between Amerindians and Pacific Islanders are strongly suggested by genetic and cultural traits. It is not discarded that Uros could have come from Pacific Islands: Uros show melanic skin and are dolichocephalic; in contrast, surrounding Aymara people have a clear skin and are brachicephalic. The Kon-Tiki project led by Thor Heyerdahl showed that a simple sailing is possible between Peru and Polynesia Islands; also, the most ancient skull found in America is of black origin: Luzia, suggesting that first America peopling was also carried out by Black/coloured people.
Assuntos
Genótipo , Antígenos HLA/genética , Grupos Populacionais , Alelos , Antropometria , Evolução Biológica , Bolívia , Genética Populacional , Haplótipos , Humanos , Imunogenética , Ilhas do Pacífico , Peru , Pigmentação , PolinésiaRESUMO
Wayu Amerindians live around Guajira Peninsula shared by Colombia and Venezuela. Wayu from Colombia have been studied for their HLA profile and these data put in context with both genetic and cultural relatedness to Pacific Islanders. HLA-A*24 and HLA-B*35 (most likely HLA-A*24:02 and HLA-B*35:05) and HLA-DRB1*04:03 and HLA-DQB1*03:02 are shared both by Wayu and other Amerindians and Pacific Islanders in specific high frequency. Our findings further suggest a genetic relationship between Amerindians (also Wiwa/Arsario and Chimila from Colombia; Uros from Peru) and Pacific Islanders. Titikaka Lake (Peru/Bolivia) Amerindians (Aymara, Uros and Quechua) share also cultural traits, like Tiwanaku (Titikaka Culture giant statues) and Easter Island Culture giant statues or "Moais".
Assuntos
Genótipo , Antígenos HLA/genética , Havaiano Nativo ou Outro Ilhéu do Pacífico , Alelos , Colômbia , Frequência do Gene , Haplótipos , Humanos , Ilhas do Pacífico , Oceano Pacífico , Peru , VenezuelaRESUMO
The Middle Period (AD 400-1000) in northern Chile's Atacama oases is characterized by an increase in social complexity and regional interaction, much of which was organized around the power and impact of the Tiwanaku polity. Despite the strong cultural influence of Tiwanaku and numerous other groups evident in interactions with Atacameños, the role of immigration into the oases during this period is unclear. While archaeological and bioarchaeological research in the region has shown no evidence that clearly indicates large groups of foreign immigrants, the contemporary increase in interregional exchange networks connecting the oases to other parts of the Andes suggests residential mobility and the possibility that movement of people both into and out of the oases accompanied these foreign influences. Here, we analyze biodistance through cranial non-metric traits in a skeletal sample from prehistoric San Pedro de Atacama to elucidate the extent of foreign influence in the oases and discuss its implications. We analyzed 715 individuals from the Middle Period (AD 400-1000) and later Regional Developments Period (AD 1000-1450), and found greater phenotypic differences between Middle Period cemeteries than among cemeteries in the subsequent period. We argue that this greater diversity extends beyond the relationship between the oases and the renowned Tiwanaku polity and reflects the role of the oases and its different ayllus as a node and way station for the Middle Period's myriad interregional networks.