RESUMO

The 2019 social outburst in Chile marked a significant turning point for the nation's politics and society, with widespread reports of human rights violations committed by the armed forces and the Police during demonstrations and riots. Despite the attention given to these events, few studies have systematically analyzed perceptions of human rights violations in such contentious contexts. To investigate the factors influencing perceptions of human rights violations during the 2019 Chilean social outburst, we conducted ordered logistic regressions using data from a nationally representative survey fielded during the unrest. Our findings reveal that participation in demonstrations, use of social media for political information, fear of crime, and proximity to violent protests are correlated with the perception that security forces frequently violated human rights during the outburst. These results contribute to the understanding of public perceptions of human rights violations in the context of the 2019 Chilean social outburst and provide insights for future research on the role of individual and contextual factors in shaping these perceptions.

RESUMO

This research paper focuses on the political participation of students from the University of Puerto Rico in Cayey (UPR-Cayey) after Hurricane María. The culture, perspective, politics, and resistance of these students are researched in light of other sub-contexts, such as the protests pressuring the former governor of Puerto Rico Ricardo Rosselló to resign. The ages of the participants ranged from 19 to 23 years old; they were all students from UPR-Cayey, and they were interviewed. The researchers are also students from the UPR-Cayey. The perspective of this research project is an anthropological one and uses analytical coding tools with interviews followed up with field notes from the protests of July 2019. We found that most of the people interviewed for this research project were very interested in the government's corruption and Puerto Rican resistance. Our investigation indirectly illustrates the aspects of our Puerto Rican culture that become salient during the protests.

RESUMO

Background: On October 18th, 2019, protestors gathered across Chile to call for social equity, resulting in widespread civil unrest and violent confrontation with the police. In this study, we quantify the effects of the 2019 Chilean protests on emergency health services utilization and inpatient admission in Santiago. Methods: We used weekly emergency department (ED) admissions (2015-2019) from three large public hospitals near the focal point of protests in Santiago. The exposure period was from October 18th to December 31st, 2019. The outcomes were the number of weekly consultations and hospitalizations by trauma and respiratory causes and the proportion of hospitalizations among consultants per 1,000. We implemented Bayesian structural time series models to calculate the absolute and relative effects and 95% credible intervals (CrI). Findings: During the first ten weeks of protests ED consultations declined on average by 14% for trauma (95%CrI: -40·2%, 11·5%) and 30% for respiratory causes (95%CrI: -89·4%, 30·2%), 7% for respiratory hospitalizations (95%CrI: -43·6%, 30·8%); however, none of these three results were statistically distinguishable from the null. Trauma hospitalizations, on the other hand, increased by 15% (95%CrI: 4·0%, 26·4%), and the proportion of hospitalizations per consultations increased by 40% for trauma (95%CrI: 13·1%, 68·0%) and 59% for respiratory causes (95%CrI: 29·4%, 87·9%). Interpretation: The 2019 Chilean protests affected the use of emergency health services by increasing the trauma hospitalizations and the case hospitalization ratio per 1,000 consultations for trauma and respiratory causes. Crowd-control protocols must be reviewed to prevent the negative effects of civil unrest.

RESUMO

Resumen Lo que logra develar las contundentes movilizaciones sociales ocurridas en el 2021 en Colombia, por un lado es el hastío social ante una profunda crisis económica, política, ética y ecológica es el cierre de un modelo. A la par, evidencia que estamos ante el surgimiento de otras formas organizativas y de acción, otras formas de conectarse, encontrarse, proyectar y programar, es una lógica reticular de sectores inconformes que dan cuenta de esa urgente necesidad de cambios en la forma de habitar el planeta, avanzar hacia otros modelos económicos, políticos y sociales que aún no se tienen claros. Retos que incluso, aún no asumen a profundidad las llamadas Instituciones de Educación Superior.

Abstract What the forceful social mobilizations, which took place in Colombia in 2021, reveal is, on the other hand, the social weariness in the face of a deep economic, political, ethical, and ecological crises, that is, the closure of a model. On the other hand, it is evidence that we are facing the emergence of other forms of organization and action; other ways of connecting, meeting, projecting, and programming. It is a reticular logic of nonconformist sectors, which account for the urgent need for changes in the way of inhabiting the planet, moving toward other economic, political, and social models, which are not yet clear. Challenges that even the so-called Higher Education Institutions have not yet assumed in depth.

RESUMO

The protests in Chile in October 2019 raised the issue of health reform to the public agenda again. This article reviews some of the explanations for why there was a widespread protest, including the expectations of continued progress, the emergence of a "fear-based populism" and the decline in legitimacy of most social and political actors. Using the theories of Kingdon to explain how reforms are placed on the political agenda, we describe how the protests raised health reform as a problem to be addressed, discuss the tendency toward consensus on policy options by technical health reform advocates, and examine the uncertain political processes that would be necessary for a consensus reform to be adopted and implemented. A lesson for reformers is the need to pay attention to growing signs of popular resentment over failures of health reforms to address accumulating problems and to try to address them with urgency to avoid populist crises.

Assuntos

RESUMO

Em relação às perspectivas das pesquisas que tentam explicar as manifestações políticas de junho de 2013, no Brasil, entendemos que refletem uma mudança no processo de formação dos laços sociais que produzem os protestos contemporâneos. Este artigo tem por objetivo mostrar tais transformações sob a ótica das diferenças entre os conceitos de massa, visto em Freud (1921/2011), e multidão, em Hardt e Negri (2014). Buscamos alinhar uma discussão entre os conceitos à luz desses dados para demonstrar que há mudanças plausíveis nas formas e organização de protestos no século XXI as quais impedem uma explicação totalizante sob a única perspectiva das massas. Concluímos que as manifestações de junho de 2013 correm em tendência ao conceito de multidão, devido aos processos de formação dos laços sociais horizontais, à não submissão do Eu a uma identidade totalizadora, dando espaço à produção do comum, e à importância das singularidades.

About the perspectives generated by researches that attempt to explain the political events of june 2013, in Brazil, we understand that there generated a change in the formation of social bonds that produce contemporary protests. This article aims to show these such changes under the lens of the differences between the concepts of mass, in Freud (1921/2011), and multitude, in Hardt and Negri (2014). We attempt to align a discussion between the concepts in the light of data to show that there are changes in plausible ways and organizing protests in the twenty-first century that prevent a totalizing explanation under the unique perspective of the masses. We conclude that the events of June 2013 runs in trend to the concept of multitude due to the formation processes of horizontal social bonds, not submission Ego a totalized identity, giving space to production of the common and the importance of singularities.

Em relación a las perspectivas de las investigaciones que tratan de explicar las manifestaciones políticas junio de 2013, en Brasil, creemos que reflejan un cambio en la formación de los lazos sociales que producen los protestos contemporáneas. Este artículo tiene como objetivo mostrar estos dichos cambios bajo la óptica de las diferencias entre los conceptos de masa, en Freud (1921/2011), y la multitud, en Hardt y Negri (2014). Buscamos alinear una discusión entre los conceptos a la luz de los datos para demostrar que hay cambios en formas plausibles y la organización de protestas en el siglo XXI que impiden una explicación totalizadora bajo la perspectiva única de las masas. Llegamos a la conclusión de que los acontecimientos de junio de 2013 carreras en tendencia con el concepto de multitud, debido a los procesos de formación de los lazos sociales horizontales, no en la sumisión que un total de identidad, dando espacios a la producción de lo común, y la importancia de las singularidades.

Em ce qui concerne les perspectives des recherches qui tentent d'expliquer lês manifestations politiques de juin 2013 au Brésil, nous comprenons qu'elles traduisent um changement dans le processus de formation des liens sociaux qui produisent les manifestations contemporaines. Cet article a comme but présenter ces transformations sous l'angle des différences entre le concept de masse dans l'oeuvre de Freud (1921/2011), et celui de foule, proposé par Hardt et Negri (2014). Nous cherchons à aligner une discussion entre les concepts à la lumière de ces données à fm de démontrer qu'il y a dês changements plausibles dans les formes et dans l'organisation des manifestations du XXIème siècle qui empêchent une explication sous les seules perspectives des masses. Nous concluons que les manifestations de juin 2013 vont plutôt dans la direction Du concept de foule, em raison des processus de formation des liens sociaux horizontaux, de la non-soumission du Soi à une identité totalisante, laissant place à la production Du commun et à l'importance des singularités.

RESUMO

Urban adaptation to climate change is likely to emerge from the responses of residents, authorities, and infrastructure providers to the impact of flooding, water scarcity, and other climate-related hazards. These responses are, in part, modulated by political relationships under cultural norms that dominate the institutional and collective decisions of public and private actors. The legacy of these decisions, which are often associated with investment in hard and soft infrastructure, has lasting consequences that influence current and future vulnerabilities. Making those decisions visible, and tractable is, therefore, an urgent research and political challenge in vulnerability assessments. In this work, we present a modeling framework to explore scenarios of institutional decision-making and socio-political processes and the resultant effects on spatial patterns of vulnerability. The approach entails using multi-criteria decision analysis, agent-based models, and geographic information simulation. The approach allows for the exploration of uncertainties, spatial patterns, thresholds, and the sensitivities of vulnerability outcomes to different policy scenarios. Here, we present the operationalization of the framework through an intentionally simplified model example of the governance of water in Mexico City. We discuss results from this example as part of a larger effort to empirically implement the framework to explore sociohydrological risk patterns and trade-offs of vulnerability in real urban landscapes.

Assuntos

RESUMO

Assistimos no ano de 2011 diversas manifestações sociais distribuídas pelo mundo que podem ser pensadas como movimentos sociais contestadores de um quadro excludente no qual os Direitos Humanos se localizam hoje. Este artigo objetiva apresentar algumas análises realizadas a partir da investigação das manifestações, buscando elucidar panoramas políticos nos quais elas se fundaram e se instrumentalizaram. As manifestações sociais investigadas foram: o Occupy Wall Street; o Occupy London; a Primavera Árabe; e as Marchas da Liberdade no Brasil. A investigação científica ocorreu por meio de pesquisa documental dos acervos digitais das mídias jornalísticas: Carta Capital, Caros Amigos, Le Monde Diplomatique e The New York Times. Consideramos que as manifestações de 2011 compõem novo cenário de lutas por Direitos Humanos, pois se diferenciam das formas de organização dos movimentos do século XX. Apartidárias, sem lideranças, solidárias, as manifestações forjaram acontecimentos, provocaram deslocamentos na participação social e produziram assim nova cena política.(AU)

We have watched during the year of 2011 several social protests distributed around the world which can be thought as social movements protesting against the exclusionary picture in which Human Rights are today. This paper proposes to present some analysis undertaken after the investigation of the 2011 protests, attempting to elucidate the political backgrounds upon which they nucleated and instrumentalized. The investigated social protests were: Occupy Wall Street; Occupy London; Arab Spring; and the Brazilian Freedom Marches. The scientific investigation was undertaken through documental research. The researched sources were digital archives of news media: Carta Capital, Caros Amigos, Le Monde Diplomatique, and The New York Times. It was considered that the 2011 protests constitute new scenery in the struggle for assurance of Human Rights, for they differentiate themselves in several aspects from the organization patterns of the movements occurred in the twentieth century. Without political parties, without leadership, solidary, the protests forged facts that caused certain shifts in social participation as opposed to the current social organization and thus produced a new political scene.(AU)

Vimos en el año 2011 diversas manifestaciones sociales distribuidas por el mundo que pueden ser diseñadas como movimientos sociales contestadores del marco exclusivo en que Derechos Humanos se encuentran hoy. Este artículo se propone presentar un análisis de la investigación de las manifestaciones, tratando de dilucidar los panoramas políticos en los que fundaron y si instrumentalizarán. Las manifestaciones sociales investigadas eran: elOccupy Wall Street; el Occupy London; la Primavera Árabe; y las Marchas de la Libertad en Brasil. La investigación científica se produjo a través de la investigación documental de las siguientes colecciones digitales de medios periodísticos: Carta Capital, Caros Amigos, Le Monde Diplomatique y The New York Times. Estas manifestaciones conforman nuevo escenario de luchas por los Derechos Humanos, que difieren de las formas de organización de los movimientos que se produjeron en el siglo XX. Independientes, sin líderes, solidarias, provocaron compensaciones en participación social frente a la organización social imperante y produjeron un nuevo escenario político.(AU)

Nous avons regardé en 2011 plusieurs mouvements sociaux distribués partout dans le monde qui peuvent être considérés comme mouvements sociaux qui protestaient contre un cadre d'exclusion dans lequel les Droits Humains sont situés aujourd'hui. Cet article vise à présenter certains analyses effectuées à partir de l'investigation sur les manifestations, en essayant d'élucider des paysages politiques dans lesquels ils ont été fondées et instrumentalisées. Les mouvements sociaux qui ont été étudiés : l' Occupy Wall Street ; l'Occupy London ; le Printemps Arabe ; et les Marches de la Liberté au Brésil. La recherche scientifique a été réalisée via recherche documentaire des fichiers virtuels des médias journalistiques : Carta Capital, Caros Amigos, Le Monde Diplomatique e The New York Times. Nous croyons que les protestations de 2011 constituent un nouveau scénario de luttes pour les Droits Humains, parce que ils se diffèrent de l'organisation des mouvements du siècle XX. Non partisanes, sans lidérances, solidaires, ces protestations ont forgée événements, ils ont provoqué des changements dans la participation sociale et ont produit une nouvelle scène politique.(AU)

Assuntos

RESUMO

Assistimos no ano de 2011 diversas manifestações sociais distribuídas pelo mundo que podem ser pensadas como movimentos sociais contestadores de um quadro excludente no qual os Direitos Humanos se localizam hoje. Este artigo objetiva apresentar algumas análises realizadas a partir da investigação das manifestações, buscando elucidar panoramas políticos nos quais elas se fundaram e se instrumentalizaram. As manifestações sociais investigadas foram: o Occupy Wall Street; o Occupy London; a Primavera Árabe; e as Marchas da Liberdade no Brasil. A investigação científica ocorreu por meio de pesquisa documental dos acervos digitais das mídias jornalísticas: Carta Capital, Caros Amigos, Le Monde Diplomatique e The New York Times. Consideramos que as manifestações de 2011 compõem novo cenário de lutas por Direitos Humanos, pois se diferenciam das formas de organização dos movimentos do século XX. Apartidárias, sem lideranças, solidárias, as manifestações forjaram acontecimentos, provocaram deslocamentos na participação social e produziram assim nova cena política...

We have watched during the year of 2011 several social protests distributed around the world which can be thought as social movements protesting against the exclusionary picture in which Human Rights are today. This paper proposes to present some analysis undertaken after the investigation of the 2011 protests, attempting to elucidate the political backgrounds upon which they nucleated and instrumentalized. The investigated social protests were: Occupy Wall Street; Occupy London; Arab Spring; and the Brazilian Freedom Marches. The scientific investigation was undertaken through documental research. The researched sources were digital archives of news media: Carta Capital, Caros Amigos, Le Monde Diplomatique, and The New York Times. It was considered that the 2011 protests constitute new scenery in the struggle for assurance of Human Rights, for they differentiate themselves in several aspects from the organization patterns of the movements occurred in the twentieth century. Without political parties, without leadership, solidary, the protests forged facts that caused certain shifts in social participation as opposed to the current social organization and thus produced a new political scene...

Vimos en el año 2011 diversas manifestaciones sociales distribuidas por el mundo que pueden ser diseñadas como movimientos sociales contestadores del marco exclusivo en que Derechos Humanos se encuentran hoy. Este artículo se propone presentar un análisis de la investigación de las manifestaciones, tratando de dilucidar los panoramas políticos en los que fundaron y si instrumentalizarán. Las manifestaciones sociales investigadas eran: elOccupy Wall Street; el Occupy London; la Primavera Árabe; y las Marchas de la Libertad en Brasil. La investigación científica se produjo a través de la investigación documental de las siguientes colecciones digitales de medios periodísticos: Carta Capital, Caros Amigos, Le Monde Diplomatique y The New York Times. Estas manifestaciones conforman nuevo escenario de luchas por los Derechos Humanos, que difieren de las formas de organización de los movimientos que se produjeron en el siglo XX. Independientes, sin líderes, solidarias, provocaron compensaciones en participación social frente a la organización social imperante y produjeron un nuevo escenario político...

Nous avons regardé en 2011 plusieurs mouvements sociaux distribués partout dans le monde qui peuvent être considérés comme mouvements sociaux qui protestaient contre un cadre d'exclusion dans lequel les Droits Humains sont situés aujourd'hui. Cet article vise à présenter certains analyses effectuées à partir de l'investigation sur les manifestations, en essayant d'élucider des paysages politiques dans lesquels ils ont été fondées et instrumentalisées. Les mouvements sociaux qui ont été étudiés : l' Occupy Wall Street ; l'Occupy London ; le Printemps Arabe ; et les Marches de la Liberté au Brésil. La recherche scientifique a été réalisée via recherche documentaire des fichiers virtuels des médias journalistiques : Carta Capital, Caros Amigos, Le Monde Diplomatique e The New York Times. Nous croyons que les protestations de 2011 constituent un nouveau scénario de luttes pour les Droits Humains, parce que ils se diffèrent de l'organisation des mouvements du siècle XX. Non partisanes, sans lidérances, solidaires, ces protestations ont forgée événements, ils ont provoqué des changements dans la participation sociale et ont produit une nouvelle scène politique...

Assuntos

RESUMO

Que delicado e complexo saldo se poderá aferir daquilo que se convencionou chamar de jornadas de junho? Silenciadas agora algumas de suas vozes, devolvidas as metrópoles à sua terrível normalidade, como estimar o alcance de dias tão atípicos e inesperados? É evidente que, em tão intrincado balanço, não se podem ignorar os pequenos ganhos concretos, o avanço na luta por um transporte público de qualidade, a denúncia renovada da desumanidade da polícia, as autoridades contrariando sua sistêmica morosidade. Acima de tudo, no entanto, o que parece restar imponderado é a emergência de uma impressionante força política potencial, cujos rumos ainda nos cabe batalhar.(AU)

What delicate and complex outcome can we infer from the so-called June Journeys? Now that its voices seem to have silenced, now that our country seems to have returned to its terrible normality, how can we estimate the extent of those unexpected days? Clearly, in such an intricate balance, one should not ignore the small concrete benefits - the progress in the vindication for quality public transport, the renewed denunciation of the inhumanity of the police, the fact that some authorities, for a few moments, abnegated their systemic morosity. Above all, however, what appears to be left unconsidered is the emergence of an impressive political force, a potential political power whose directions we still have to define.(AU)

Assuntos

RESUMO

Que delicado e complexo saldo se poderá aferir daquilo que se convencionou chamar de jornadas de junho? Silenciadas agora algumas de suas vozes, devolvidas as metrópoles à sua terrível normalidade, como estimar o alcance de dias tão atípicos e inesperados? É evidente que, em tão intrincado balanço, não se podem ignorar os pequenos ganhos concretos, o avanço na luta por um transporte público de qualidade, a denúncia renovada da desumanidade da polícia, as autoridades contrariando sua sistêmica morosidade. Acima de tudo, no entanto, o que parece restar imponderado é a emergência de uma impressionante força política potencial, cujos rumos ainda nos cabe batalhar.

What delicate and complex outcome can we infer from the so-called June Journeys? Now that its voices seem to have silenced, now that our country seems to have returned to its terrible normality, how can we estimate the extent of those unexpected days? Clearly, in such an intricate balance, one should not ignore the small concrete benefits - the progress in the vindication for quality public transport, the renewed denunciation of the inhumanity of the police, the fact that some authorities, for a few moments, abnegated their systemic morosity. Above all, however, what appears to be left unconsidered is the emergence of an impressive political force, a potential political power whose directions we still have to define.

Assuntos

RESUMO

O presente artigo tem como objetivo discutir o discurso midiático dicotomizante que tem sido produzido a respeito dos protestos que se iniciaram no Brasil a partir de junho de 2013. A partir da vivência dos protestos e das leituras de Foucault, busca-se compreender os movimentos de resistência como múltiplos. Entende-se a própria multiplicidade – em sua recusa a ser homogeneizada para ser então compreendida, contida - como uma forma de resistência. É discutido também o papel desempenhado, nesse contexto de resistência e revolução, pelo plano da internet.(AU)

This article intends to discuss the dichotomizing media speech that has been produced about the protests that begun in Brazil since june of 2013. From the experiences lived in the protests and the reading of Foucault, it is intended to understand the resistance movements as multiple. This multiplicity itself – a refuse to be homogenized to be understood and restrained – is perceived as a way of resisting. It is also discussed the role that the internet plays in this context of resistance and revolution.(AU)

El presente artículo tiene como objetivo discutir la dicotomización del discurso mediático que se ha producido sobre las protestas que comenzaron en Brasil en junio de 2013. A partir de la experiencia de las protestas y las lecturas de Foucault, busca entender los movimientos de resistencia como multiplicidad. La multiplicidad - en sí misma niega toda homogeinización para ser entendida y capturada - es percibida como una forma de Resistencia. También se discutió el papel desempeñado por la internet en este contexto de la resistencia y la revolución.(AU)

RESUMO

A fines de diciembre de 2001, en la Republica Argentina, diversos sectores sociales comenzaron a participar en diferentes tipos de movilización y formas de protesta que no respondían a las modalidades habituales. El presente artículo refiere a la investigación que desde de enero de 2002 se viene realizando en la Cátedra I de Teoría y Técnica de Grupos, Facultad de Psicología, U.B.A., con el propósito derealizar una indagación que apuntara a distinguir algunos imaginarios políticos espontáneos de esas expresiones cuidadanas. En el mismo se caracterizará la producción de nuevas modalidades de ciudadanía a partir de la participación colectiva en cacerolazos y asambleas del barrio, articulada con nuevas modalidades de la “vecindad”. (AU)

At the end of December 2001, in Republic Argentina, diverse social sectors began to participate in different mobilization types and protest forms, that didn’t correspond to the habitual modalities. The present article refers to the investigation that we are carrying out in Cathedra I of Theory and Technique of Groups (Faculdad de Psicología, U.B.A.), with the purpose of distinguishing some political spontaneous imaginaries of those citizens’ expressions. In the same one, the production of new citizenship modalities will be characterized, starting from collective participation in meetingsand assemblies of neighborhood, articulated with new modalities of vicinity. (AU)

Assuntos

RESUMO

A fines de diciembre de 2001, en la Republica Argentina, diversos sectores sociales comenzaron a participar en diferentes tipos de movilización y formas de protesta que no respondían a las modalidades habituales. El presente artículo refiere a la investigación que desde de enero de 2002 se viene realizando en la Cátedra I de Teoría y Técnica de Grupos, Facultad de Psicología, U.B.A., con el propósito derealizar una indagación que apuntara a distinguir algunos imaginarios políticos espontáneos de esas expresiones cuidadanas. En el mismo se caracterizará la producción de nuevas modalidades de ciudadanía a partir de la participación colectiva en cacerolazos y asambleas del barrio, articulada con nuevas modalidades de la “vecindad”.

At the end of December 2001, in Republic Argentina, diverse social sectors began to participate in different mobilization types and protest forms, that didn’t correspond to the habitual modalities. The present article refers to the investigation that we are carrying out in Cathedra I of Theory and Technique of Groups (Faculdad de Psicología, U.B.A.), with the purpose of distinguishing some political spontaneous imaginaries of those citizens’ expressions. In the same one, the production of new citizenship modalities will be characterized, starting from collective participation in meetingsand assemblies of neighborhood, articulated with new modalities of vicinity.

Assuntos