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Resumo: O objetivo deste artigo consiste em analisar como a interpretação marxiana acerca da ontologia e da filosofia política hegelianas reflete na sua crítica da economia política capitalista, com ênfase para como Marx elabora a relação entre trabalho e sociabilidade a partir de Hegel, e como esse processo influencia a crítica marxiana da forma valor (Wertform) como substância social do processo de acumulação do capital. A metodologia utilizada foi a pesquisa bibliográfica, guiada pela leitura imanente das obras marxiana e hegeliana.

Abstract: The objective of this article is to analyze how the Marxian interpretation of Hegelian ontology and political philosophy reflects in his critique of capitalist political economy, with emphasis on how Marx elaborates the relationship between labor and sociability based on Hegel, and how this process of influence the Marxian critique of the value form (Wertform) as the social substance of the capital accumulation process. A methodology used for bibliographical research guided by the immanent reading of Marxian and Hegelian works.

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In the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, it is clear that the struggle for global health justice must be our highest priority. To understand the challenges that such a priority faces, we must recognise that this struggle has a long history, and to analyse current challenges within this historical perspective. This commentary explores the gradual construction of the global health justice movement during different historical periods (tropical/colonial medicine, international health, and global health) in the history of approaches to health worldwide. It examines the changing relationship between the political economy of capitalism, colonialism, and racism. It analyses attempts to confront injustice through both human rights and social justice movements in seeking to address stigma and discrimination as well as poverty and social exclusion. It highlights emerging battlegrounds such as access to medical treatments and healthcare services as well as the ways in which private interests continue to undercut such efforts. But it also points to windows of opportunity for defending principles such as solidarity and social inclusion, for building advocacy/analysis alliances and toolkits to inform social movements, and possibilities to reconstruct global health 'governance' mechanisms and institutions in accord with the most basic principles of health justice.

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Food systems drive change, which can accelerate the process of ending hunger, improving diets and protecting the environment. This is the attribution given to the Brazilian National School Feeding Program (Programa Nacional de Alimentação Escolar-PNAE), which was created to supply 15% of the food needs of millions of children in Brazilian schools. Therefore, the purpose of this article was to create a framework to analyze learnings in the PNAE that contribute to the development of a sustainable food system in the state of Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil. For this, a qualitative descriptive survey with abductive logic was chosen through a study of multiple cases and semistructured interviews as its strategy. It was noticed that individuals tended to group themselves in accordance with their learning level. A group in which instrumental learning was prevailing would tend to strictly follow the rules. Groups that already had communicative learning would be more proactive and look for improvements. However, when they would reach emancipatory learning, they would become more willing to disrupt initiatives to create new perspectives to solve problems. From that, decisions became political, and the more organized the groups became, the more power they had to allow their ideas to prevail.

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Resumo: O objetivo deste artigo é resgatar as origens históricas e teóricas da teoria marxista da dependência, apontando a estrutura teórica central do que condiciona uma economia dependente. Em seguida, apresentam-se algumas respostas às principais críticas feitas a essa teoria, bem como argumenta-se sobre o que deveria ser um resgate crítico em relação a ela na atualidade.

Abstract: This paper aims to rescue the historical and theoretical origins of the marxista theory of dependency, pointing out the central theoretical structure that determines a dependente economy. Then, some responses to the main criticisms made to this theory are presented, as well as an argument for what should be a critical rescue of it for today.

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Resumo Este ensaio se dirige a um campo lacunar na crítica da economia política: o estudo e a disputa da noção de pessoa no laço social capitalista. Com esse intento, trazemos 'o indivíduo' ao foco, defendendo a ideia de que ele configura uma instituição capitalista, isto é, uma regra de pensamento sobre si e sobre os outros que dá consistência à sociedade. Mostramos, então, que essa consistência pode ser percebida na própria análise que Marx faz do capitalismo, uma vez que o preenchimento histórico do sentido do trabalho e a lógica dos conteúdos da mercadoria exigem a produção de sujeitos essencialmente heterônomos, submissos e eivados pela desigualdade. O indivíduo é, assim, reconfigurado, posto no lugar de uma solução de compromisso que propaga um discurso oposto: o de que nossa individualidade é uma marca aparente de autonomia, independência, igualdade e liberdade.

Abstract This essay addresses a lacunar field in the critique of political economy: the study and dispute of the notion of person in the capitalist social bond. With this intention, we bring 'the individual' to focus, defending the idea that he or she configures a capitalist institution, that is, a rule of thought about the self and the other that gives consistency to society. We show, then, that this consistency can be perceived in Marx's own analysis of capitalism, since the historical fulfillment of the meaning of labor and the logic of the contents of the commodity require the production of essentially heteronomous subjects, submissive and driven by inequality. The individual is thus reconfigured, put in the place of a compromise solution that propagates an opposite discourse: that our individuality is an apparent mark of autonomy, independence, equality and freedom.

Resumen Este ensayo se dirige hacia un campo abierto en la crítica de la economía política: el estudio y disputa de la noción de persona en el vínculo social capitalista. Con esta intención, enfocamos al 'individuo', defendiendo la idea de que el configura una institución capitalista, es decir, una regla de pensamiento sobre sí mismo y sobre los demás que da consistencia a la sociedad. Mostramos, entonces, que esta consistencia puede percibirse en el propio análisis del capitalismo de Marx, ya que el cumplimiento histórico del sentido del trabajo y la lógica de los contenidos de la mercancía requieren la producción de sujetos esencialmente heterónomos, sumisos y marcados por la desigualdad. El individuo es así reconfigurado, puesto en el lugar de una solución de compromiso que propaga un discurso opuesto: el de que nuestra individualidad es una marca aparente de autonomía, independencia, igualdad y libertad.

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O estudo buscou explorar o papel do Estado na condução Política Nacional de Atenção Integral à Saúde do Adolescente em Conflito com a Lei - PNAISARI no Estado do Rio de Janeiro a partir das contribuições da Economia Política Marxista. Argumenta-se que o Estado é um espaço relacional, complexo e contraditório permeado pela disputa de visões sociais de mundo e que a implementação de políticas públicas, incluindo as políticas de saúde, ocorrem em torno do conflito distributivo. No estudo de caso da PNAISARI foi evidenciado que a publicação das portarias 1.082 e 1.083 levou a indução da descentralização da política aos municípios contribuindo no reconhecimento do direito à saúde dos adolescentes em atendimento socioeducativa e na responsabilidade sanitária do município perante as unidades socioeducativas reforçando o princípio da incompletude institucional previsto no SINASE. O processo de descentralização da política aos municípios foi caracterizado pela baixa participação da Secretaria Estadual de Saúde levando a pactuações interfederativas frágeis e com baixa interlocução entre os gestores da saúde e do socioeducativo na corresponsabilização pela saúde dos adolescentes. Neste cenário, ainda persistem os problemas estruturais do SUS que dificultam ou mesmo impossibilitam a atenção integral à saúde desta população. Desta forma, concluísse que consolidar o direito à saúde dos adolescentes envolve considerar a determinação social da saúde que condiciona a vida e a saúde dos adolescentes e de suas familias. E, ainda, necessariamente o enfrentamento a ideologia neoliberal que impossibilita a conformação de um modelo de proteção social no Brasil.

The present study explored of the State in steering the National Policy on Comprehensive Health Care of Adolescents in Conflict with the Law (PNAISARI) in the State of Rio de Janeiro the contributions of the Marxist Political Economy. It discusses that the State is a relational, complex, and contradictory permeated by the dispute of different ideological views and that the development of public policies, including health policies, happens in the context of a distributive conflict. In the case study of the PNAISARI, it became evident that the publication of resolutions 1.082 e 1.083 leaded to the decentralization to municipalities contributing in the acknowledgement of the right to health of the adolescents under socio-educational measures and in the sanitary responsibility of the municipalities. The decentralization process of the health system to the municipalities was characterized by a low commitment of the State Secretary of Health leading to fragile negotiations and little dialog between health and socio-educational public managers in the commitment to adolescent´s health. In this context, the structural problems of the SUS that limits the possibilities of comprehensive and universal care. As conclusions, the dissertation reaffirms that the right to health of adolescents includes confronting the social determinants of health that deeply influence their lives and health, fighting against the neoliberal ideology that impedes the development of universal social protection in Brazil.

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RESUMEN En esta investigación se estudia la política agraria en Colombia y su relación con el conflicto entre campesinos y terratenientes, entorno a los activos productivos rurales. Se aborda la discusión sobre el acceso a la tierra y se examina cada uno de los planes nacionales de desarrollo, para elaborar una trazabilidad histórica de la política agraria en Colombia durante el periodo 1936-2016. El problema de investigación se deriva de la persistencia de la pobreza y marginación social de la población rural, identificada en la Misión Rural y reconocida en el Acuerdo de Paz de 2016. Se concluye que la configuración histórica del Estado fue incorporando los intereses de las estructuras de poder económico y político de cada momento. Cuando el Estado quiso resolver el conflicto por la tierra, la capacidad ejecutiva de las instituciones era limitada y tergiversada por los grupos de interés dominantes que tenían la ventaja de redactar las leyes y aplicarlas de acuerdo con sus preferencias. Por esta razón las condiciones socioeconómicas de los campesinos siguen siendo parecidas a las que tenían hace un siglo. CLASIFICACIÓN JEL P16, P26, O12, O13, O43

ABSTRACT This research studies agrarian policy in Colombia and its relationship with the conflict between peasants and landowners, around rural productive assets. The discussion on access to land is approached and each one of the national development plans is examined, to elaborate a historical traceability of the agrarian policy in Colombia during the period 1936-2016. The research problem stems from the persistence of poverty and social marginalization of the rural population, identified in the rural mission and recognized in the 2016 peace agreement. It is concluded that the historical configuration of the State was incorporating the interests of the economic and political power structures of each moment. When the State wanted to resolve the conflict over land, the executive capacity of the institutions was limited and distorted by the dominant interest groups who had the advantage of writing the laws and applying them according to their preferences. For this reason, the socioeconomic conditions of the peasants continue to be similar to those they had a century ago. JEL CLASSIFICATION P16, P26, O12, O13, O43

RESUMO Esta pesquisa estuda a política agrária na Colômbia e sua relação com o conflito entre camponeses e proprietários de terras em torno dos ativos produtivos rurais. Aborda-se a discussão sobre o acesso à terra e examina-se cada um dos planos nacionais de desenvolvimento, para elaborar uma rastreabilidade histórica da política agrária na Colômbia durante o período 1936-2016. O problema de pesquisa decorre da persistência da pobreza e marginalização social da população rural, identificada na Missão Rural e reconhecida no Acordo de Paz 2016. Conclui-se que a configuração histórica do Estado foi incorporando os interesses das estruturas do poder econômico e político de cada momento. Quando o Estado queria resolver o conflito de terras, a capacidade executiva das instituições era limitada e distorcida pelos grupos de interesse dominantes que tinham a vantagem de redigir as leis e aplicá-las de acordo com suas preferências. Por isso, as condições socioeconômicas dos camponeses continuam semelhantes às de um século atrás. CLASSIFICAÇÃO JEL P16, P26, O12, O13, O43

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BACKGROUND: In Latin America, total sales of sugar-sweetened beverages (SSBs) continue to rise at an alarming rate. Consumption of added sugar is a leading cause of diet-related non-communicable diseases (NCDs). Coalitions of stakeholders have formed in several countries in the region to address this public health challenge including participation of civil society organizations and transnational corporations. Little is currently known about these coalitions - what interests they represent, what goals they pursue and how they operate. Ensuring the primacy of public health goals is a particular governance challenge. This paper comparatively analyses governance challenges involved in the adoption of taxation of sugar-sweetened beverages in Mexico, Chile and Colombia. The three countries have similar political and economic systems, institutional arrangements and regulatory instruments but differing policy outcomes. METHODS: We analysed the political economy of SSB taxation based on a qualitative synthesis of existing empirical evidence. We identify the key stakeholders involved in the policy process, identified their interests, and assess how they influenced adoption and implementation of the tax. RESULTS: Coalitions for and against the SSB taxation formed the basis of policy debates in all three countries. Intergovernmental support was critical to framing the SSB tax aims, benefits and implementation; and for countries to adopt it. A major constraint to implementation was the strong influence of transnational corporations (TNCs) in the policy process. A lack of transparency during agenda setting was notably enhanced by the powerful presence of TNCs. CONCLUSION: NCDs prevention policies need to be supported across government, alongside grassroots organizations, policy champions and civil society groups to enhance their success. However, governance arrangements involving coalitions between public and private sector actors need to recognize power asymmetries among different actors and mitigate their potentially negative consequences. Such arrangements should include clear mechanisms to ensure transparency and accountability of all partners, and prevent undue influence by industry interests associated with unhealthy products.

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We examine the impact of progressive and regressive abortion legislation on women's health in Mexico. Following a 2007 reform in the Federal District of Mexico which decriminalised and subsidised early-term elective abortion, multiple other Mexican states increased sanctions on illegal abortion. We observe that the original legalisation resulted in a sharp decline in maternal morbidity, particularly morbidity due to haemorrhage early in pregnancy. We observe small or null impacts on women's health from increasing sanctions on illegal abortion. These results quantify the considerable improvements in non-mortal health outcomes flowing from legal access to abortion.

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A formação do pensamento de Karl Marx passou por momentos distintos e teve influências diversas. Dentre elas, destacam-se as chamadas "três fontes": a filosofia alemã, a economia política inglesa e a perspectiva revolucionária. No caso da economia política, é possível visualizar três períodos centrais que demarcam diferenças importantes da relação de Marx com essa ciência: até 1844, entre 1845 e 1849, e a partir de 1857. Se, no trânsito desses períodos se destacam algumas categorias importantes, as formas de tratamento dados às categorias força de trabalho e trabalho abstrato anunciam importantes mediações teóricas e políticas.

The formation of Karl Marx ́s thought went through different moments and had different influences. Among these, the so-called "three sources" stand out: German philosophy, English political economy and the revolutionary pers-pective. In the case of political economy, it is possible to visualize three central periods that demarcate important differences in Marx ́s relationship with this science: up to 1844, between 1845 and 1849, and after 1857. If, during the transit of these periods, some important categories stand out, the forms of treatment given to the categories of labour power and abstract labour announce important theoretical and political mediations

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In 2012, Chile passed a law intended to reduce obesity in the country. It included several novel features, such as a front-of-package label, limitations to marketing and advertising, and policies targeting schools. The law required the creation of a regulation to address its implementation. Between 2012 and 2015, a process was carried out to generate this regulation that finally came into force in June 2016. This process confronted several difficulties: the involvement of multiple actors, political changes in national government, and endless negotiations to define the operational details of the regulation. The end result was one of the most discussed health policies of recent years in Chile. This article tells the story of the process defining this regulation, carried out between 2012 and 2015. It describes its evolution from a legal perspective but also reveals the trade-offs faced by the team in charge of providing the operational definitions for the implementation of the law. The article presents the main challenges as well the strategies used by the team at the Ministry of Health to overcome the many difficulties that arose during the process of implementing Chile's food labeling and marketing law. The experience of the Chilean reform may provide practical information and lessons for other countries and policy makers embarking on the task of preventing and reducing obesity. Although the Chilean experience has its own particularities, it also suggests common difficulties for similar reform processes in terms of technical challenges-such as the definition of concepts and the scope of regulation-and political challenges-like the opposition of the food industry and conflicts of interest among governmental institutions.

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Resumo O estudo esboça algumas compreensões sobre a palavra "higiene". A partir do Renascimento, a ideia advinda da Grécia Antiga voltou a ser trabalhada, primeiramente como método para uma organização dietética e moral da vida que visava ao seu prolongamento. De uma espécie de cuidado de si, transformou-se em conceito de governança, cujo objetivo era o prolongamento da vida dos súditos/cidadãos. O debate teórico sobre o que era higiene pública mostra sua faceta eminentemente política: não apenas era um ramo da economia política, mas também eram analisadas as propostas dos higienistas de acordo com seu maior ou menor impacto na política. A batalha político-científica resultou na vitória de certas compreensões de ação estatal, e no esquecimento e na negligência de outras.

Abstract This study outlines some understandings of the word "hygiene." The notion that originated in ancient Greece first began to be adopted as a system of diet and morals to prolong the lifespan. From a type of self-care, this idea transformed into a concept of governance to extend the lives of subject-citizens. The theoretical debate about what public hygiene used to be shows its eminently political side: not only was hygiene a branch of the political economy, the ideas of hygienists were also analyzed as to the degree of impact they had on policy. After political and scientific battles, certain understandings of government action emerged victorious, while others were forgotten and neglected.

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To construct this database, we integrate the nutritional content of 62 crops and 5 livestock categories to estimate the amount of 21 macro and micro-nutrients (including energy) that were produced from agriculture in each Brazilian municipality during the last three decades. Additionally, we allocate these nutrients according to their share in the food system (for example, human food, animal feed, export etc.). It is a unique data source on macro and micro-nutrients availability for human consumption and animal feed, but also regarding another aspects of the food system, such as international agricultural trade, energy production (for example, in the form of ethanol) or post-harvest and post-processing losses, from local to national levels, in a wide time frame of 30 years. This database can be used in scientific research regarding food and nutrition security and in the construction of indicators for monitoring food and agricultural programs and policies that aim at the promotion of food and nutritional security. Also, it has the potential to enable broader analysis of the food system as whole in terms of food stability and resilience.

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How is neoliberalism implicated in concrete health vulnerabilities? How do macro-level political economy, policy and institutions translate into everyday experiences? Drawing on Marxist, feminist and International Political Economy critiques of everyday life, the article advances an everyday political economy of health focused on four key components: power, agency, intersectionality and the mutual implication of the global and the local. These components enable a nuanced investigation of concrete experiences of health and disease, and of the local implementation of health policies in the context of neoliberalism. The framework is applied to the case of the 2015 public health response to Zika in Brazil, and specifically to the role of community health workers, close-to-community healthcare providers tasked with bridging the health system and vulnerable groups. The everyday practice of these workers, and their working conditions overwhelmingly characterized by precarity and low pay, reveal the presence of global neoliberal dynamics pertaining to the reconfiguration of the Brazilian state as healthcare provider in a context of encroaching austerity, privatization and narrowly-defined cost-efficiency. These dynamics impacted detrimentally upon the effectiveness of the Zika response.

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Resumo: Buscou-se analisar, de forma breve, elementos históricos, teóricos e políticos que consubstanciaram o trânsito da relação entre Karl Marx e a economia política. Para tanto, destacou-se a relação dos sentidos das categorias de trabalho abstrato e de força de trabalho com o evolver dessa dinâmica, demarcado por três momentos centrais: uma crítica de teor filosófico e moral; a aceitação da teoria ricardiana dos salários; e uma assimilação crítica, propulsora de uma análise econômica inovadora.

We tried to analyze historical, theoretical and political elements that composed the transit of the relationship between Karl Marx and political economy. To do that, the relationship between the meanings of the categories of abstract work and the labour power was highlighted with the evolution of this dynamic, marked by three central moments: a critique with philosophical and moral content; the acceptance of the Ricardian theory of wages; and a critical assimilation, propelling an innovative economic analysis.

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This article explores the politics of passage of the sugar-sweetened beverage (SSB) tax in Mexico, using published documents, media articles, and interviews with key stakeholders. The article examines first the period of agenda setting when the tax was included in the President's fiscal reform package; and second, the period of legislative passage, when the bill was introduced in Congress and was passed. The analysis uses Kingdon's three streams theory of agenda setting, to explain how the tax emerged on the agenda and how agenda setting shaped and enabled legislative passage. The article offers five lessons related to the politics of passing the SSB tax in Mexico. First, passing an SSB tax was difficult and required high-level organization, cooperation, planning, and effort. Second, supporters needed an understanding of how to manage the political and economic context, facilitated by a grant from Bloomberg Philanthropies. Third, framing the tax as generating revenue helped get the proposal onto the policy agenda and enabled buy-in from the powerful Ministry of Finance (Hacienda). Fourth, forming networks within the legislature early on allowed tax proponents to have a network of allies within Congress ready when the SSB tax was introduced as a bill. Finally, early public relations campaigns helped shape public perception that Mexico's obesity epidemic was driven in part by SSB consumption. This is the first paper that uses political science theory and primary data collection and interviews with a broad range of stakeholders, to explain how Mexico passed an SSB tax despite opposition from a strong national SSB industry.

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Building on empirical material gathered in Haiti, this paper advances a new and innovative understanding of the internal brain drain phenomenon-the poaching of local skilled workers by international organisations (IOs) or international non-governmental organisations (INGOs)- by conceptualising it as an equilibrium. This equilibrium is composed of two sets of tensions: (i) those between the salary conditions in the public sector and those on offer to local personnel working for IOs and INGOs; and (ii) those inherent in the dual salary scale used by IOs and INGOs for local and international staff. These two sets of tensions contribute in their specific ways to international migration, and, as such, the internal brain drain has a bearing on external brain drain dynamics. In addition, the paper addresses the difficult policy choices facing development and humanitarian organisations, since every set of policies that impacts on one side of the equilibrium is bound to affect its other side.

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Este é um ensaio teórico que analisa o dinheiro como artefato condensador de opostos no psiquismo humano, apresentando-o como elemento conflitivo de satisfação. Parte-se da economia política e de sua atribuição do dinheiro como capital, capaz de satisfazer necessidades humanas. Contrapõe-se a isso a economia psíquica, de uma perspectiva psicanalítica, enfocando o dinheiro como atributo fálico em suas relações com a demanda e com o desejo do sujeito pulsional. Denuncia-se o engodo representado pela tentativa de contrabalançar a falta estrutural do sujeito com o dinheiro. Conclui-se que o modo de produção capitalista, ao pretender colocar a economia psíquica a serviço da economia política, enfrenta a resistência do sujeito pulsional.

This work is a theoretical essay consisting in an analysis of money as a condenser of opposites in the human psyche, which is a conflicting component of satisfaction. It starts from political economy and its ascription of money as capital, capable of satisfying human needs. Contrast that with psychic economy, from a psychoanalytic perspective, which views money as a phallic attribute in its relations with the demand and desire of the subject affected by the "Trieb". The deceit represented by attempting to make up for the structural lack of the subject through money is denounced. We conclude that the capitalist mode of production, by trying to place the psychic economy at the service of the political economy, faces the resistance by the subject affected by the "Trieb".

Esto es un ensayo teórico que analiza el dinero como un condensador de opuestos en el psiquismo humano, presentándolo como un elemento conflictivo de satisfacción. Se parte de la economía política y de su adscripción del dinero como capital, capaz de satisfacer las necesidades humanas. Se contrapone a eso la economía psíquica, desde una perspectiva psicoanalítica, enfocando el dinero como atributo fálico en sus relaciones con la demanda y con el deseo del sujeto pulsional. Se denuncia el engaño representado por el intento de contrabalancear la falta de estructura del sujeto por intermedio del dinero. Se concluye que el modo de producción capitalista, al intentar poner la economía psíquica al servicio de la economía política, enfrenta la resistencia del sujeto pulsional.

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Peru is now on a path toward achieving universal health coverage (UHC), with 87% of its population covered by health insurance. This paper describes the politics surrounding the agenda setting and policy formulation process that led up to the adoption of Peru's Universal Health Coverage Act in 2009, which has been instrumental in expanding coverage. This reform established a mandatory health insurance system, which includes an Essential Health Benefit Package (Plan Esencial de Aseguramiento en Salud-PEAS) that is financed by three health insurance schemes (subsidized, contributory and semi-contributory). Collectively these schemes are intended to cover the entire population of Peru. In exploring the politics of the health reform process, the commentary applies the Political Economy of Health Financing Framework, presented in this special issue. It does so from the point of view of a participant in the reform process. Some broader lessons emerge that extend beyond Peru regarding the changing nature of the leadership roles in each phase of the policy cycle. In particular, the analysis highlights the importance of a consensus building process across a range of political stakeholders to set the health reform on the policy agenda and as well as to preemptively identify and resolve disagreements that might arise in the legislative phase.

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Scholarship on international trade and health analyzes the effects of trade and investment policies on population exposure to non-nutritious foods. These policies are linked to the nutrition transition, or the dietary shift towards meat and processed foods associated with rising overweight and obesity rates in low- and middle-income countries. We argue for expanding the trade and health literature's focus on population exposure through the concept of the neoliberal diet, which centers subnational social inequality as both an outcome of neoliberal agri-food trade policies and a determinant of dietary change. We develop this perspective through a regional analysis of non-nutritious food availability following the implementation of the Dominican Republic-Central America Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA-DR), together with an extended case study, from the late 1990s to the present, of household expenditure and food price changes in the Dominican Republic, the region's largest food importer. Our analysis demonstrates that low-income consumers face increasing household food expenditures in a context of overall food price inflation, in addition to relatively higher price increases for healthy versus ultraprocessed foods. Neoliberal policies not only contribute to restructuring the availability and pricing of healthy food for low-income consumers, but they also exacerbate social inequality in the food system through corporate-controlled supply chains and farmer displacement. Our findings support policy proposals for socially distributive forms of healthy food production to stem the negative effects of the nutrition transition.

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