RESUMO
Resumen El neomalthusianismo anarquista está recibiendo una creciente atención historiográfica. El artículo pretende abordar la siguiente pregunta: ¿Tuvo algo que ver el primer neomalthusianismo anarquista barcelonés con la eugenesia? ¿Hasta qué punto y cómo? Para responder a ello el artículo tiene en cuenta el carácter transnacional del movimiento anarquista en el que las ciudades ocupaban un lugar esencial. Cosa que se materializaba en la fuerte conexión entre el grupo barcelonés y el francés, heredero de las enseñanzas de Paul Robin. La tesis del artículo es que, aunque el neomalthusianismo y el anarquismo eran movimientos distintos, el hecho de que se comparta el objetivo de regenerar la especie permitía establecer puntos de contacto aun cuando ocasionalmente los anarquistas rechazaran formalmente a la eugenesia.
Abstract Anarchist neo-Malthusianism is increasingly receiving historiographical attention. This article deals with the following question: Did early anarchist neo-Malthusianism in Barcelona have anything to do with eugenics? To what extent, and how? To answer this, the article examines the transnational nature of the anarchist movement, in which cities played an essential role. This is shown in the strong connection between the Barcelona group and the French one, which had inherited the teachings of Paul Robin. The article's thesis is that, although neo-Malthusianism and anarchism were different movements, the fact that they shared the goal of regenerating the species allows us to establish points of contact between them, even though the anarchists formally rejected eugenics on occasion.
Assuntos
Humanos , Política , Dinâmica Populacional/história , Eugenia (Ciência)/história , EspanhaRESUMO
Resumen El artículo analiza el debate sobre neomalthusianismo y eugenesia que se realizó en medios anarquistas españoles en el primer tercio del siglo pasado. Con marcos teóricos poco utilizados hasta la fecha, se aportan nuevas interpretaciones acerca de lo que supuso la utilización del término eugenesia en las revistas neomalthusianas de inspiración anarquista. Enmarcado en una "lucha por el significado", el neomalthusianismo español resignificó las ideas eugenésicas que tenían como finalidad recuperar el terreno político perdido en la iniciativa por el control individual de la sexualidad humana. Asimismo, se analiza el papel que desempeñó la estrategia de "acción directa" por parte del movimiento anarcosindicalista que consideraba las acciones emprendidas por los anarquistas individualistas como un complemento de su acción revolucionaria.
Abstract This article analyzes the debate on neo-Malthusianism and eugenics in Spanish anarchist publications in the first third of the last century. Using theoretical frameworks that have been under-utilized thus far, it provides new interpretations of what the term "eugenics" meant in pro-anarchist neo-Malthusian journals. Framed within a "struggle over meaning," Spanish neo-Malthusianism re-signified eugenic ideas in an attempt to recover political ground that had been lost in the drive to promote individual control of human sexuality. This study also analyzes the role of the anarcho-syndicalist movement's "direct action" strategy, in which actions undertaken by individualist anarchists were seen as a complement to revolutionary action.
Assuntos
Humanos , História do Século XX , Política , Dinâmica Populacional/história , Eugenia (Ciência)/história , Meios de Comunicação de Massa/história , EspanhaRESUMO
En este estudio enlazo debates sobre la regulación de la fertilidad humana y el control de la población con las consideraciones sobre los derechos repro-ductivos de la mujer. Primero, una breve discusión de antiguas rivalidades entre Thomas Robert Malthus y Karl Marx introduce el carácter profunda-mente político de las consideraciones sobre reproducción humana. A con-tinuación me traslado al siglo XX y muestro que ahora reencontramos a Marx y a Malthus vestidos en ropa nueva por rivales políticos que aplicaron antiguas rivalidades a nuevos conflictos políticos. Me concentro en el período posterior a la Segunda Guerra Mundial, cuando los nuevos debates sobre población y derechos reproductivos estaban acompañados por los nuevos pa-radigmas globales de los derechos humanos y argumento que la práctica de los derechos estaba comprometida por los enfrentamientos entre políticos de derecha e izquierda presentados durante la Guerra Fría. Apoyándome en historias de médicos y planificadores poblacionales activos en Europa y las Américas, me concentro en el estudio del caso de la planificación familiar y los derechos reproductivos en Chile para mostrar los efectos dañinos que los enfrentamientos de la Guerra Fría las dicotomías políticas de derecha e izquierda tuvieron en las políticas de salud y de derechos reproductivos
n this study, I link key debates about the regulation of human fertility and population control to considerations about women's reproductive rights. First, a brief discussion of old rivalries between Thomas Robert Malthus and Karl Marx introduces the deeply political nature of considerations about hu-man reproduction.Next, I move from the 18th and 19th centuries to the 20th century, and show that we find Marx and Malthus dressed in new clothes by political rivals who applied old competitions to new political conflicts.I focus on the post WW II period, when new debates about population and human reproduction were accompanied by new global paradigms of human rights and argue that a twentieth century practice of rights was compromi-sed by competitions between politics of left and right set in the Cold War. 141Drawing on histories of medical doctors and population planners who were active in Europe and the Americas, I focus on the case study of family planning and reproductive rights in Chile to show the ill-effects that Cold War competitions the political dichotomies of left and right had on the politics of health and reproductive rights.
Assuntos
Humanos , Controle da População , Direitos Sexuais e Reprodutivos , Planejamento FamiliarRESUMO
The concept of sustainable development refers to the need of human societies to harmonize their economic, social and demographic development with available resources and to preserve the physical environment in order to provide a better living standard for future generations. Unfortunately, that concept is often construed with the false idea that in order to achieve this harmonized and durable development, especially in the Third World countries, it is necessary to reduce the birth rates of these populations, with no respect for ethical norms or the inherent dignity of the human person. The defenders of this idea often attempt against those values that are inherent to society, including proposals that lead to the disintegration of the family as the natural institution whose essence is not subject to whims or passingfads, not even to the nobler objective of producing a better world for our children. In this paper, apart from underlining the basic and unalienable characteristics that make up the family as a natural institution that must be defended at all costs, the author proposes to show that attempts at demographic control are not only intrinsically unethical, but also not feasible in practice since they will not lead to the sustainable development of the world, but on the contrary produce negative effects that will give rise to a de-humanized society. A proposal is made in favor of the correct application of the concept of sustainable development including the eradication of structural injustices in the world and of misery in the poorer nations, and the defense of the human person and society on the basis of the promotion of the natural family as a key element in any true and effective development process.
El concepto de desarrollo sostenible se refiere a la necesidad de las sociedades humanas de armonizar su progreso económico, social y demográfico con los recursos disponibles y a preservar su ambiente físico a fin de facilitar un mejor nivel de vida a las futuras generaciones. Pero, desafortunadamente, este concepto tiende a interpretarse por lo general bajo la falsa premisa de que, si se quiere lograr ese desarrollo armónico y duradero y particularmente en los países del Tercer Mundo, es necesario disminuir los índices de natalidad de esas poblaciones sin respetar las normas éticas ni tampoco la dignidad inherente a la persona humana. Los defensores de esta idea atentan frecuentemente contra los valores intrínsecos de la sociedad, incluso con propuestas conducentes a la desintegración de la familia como institución natural cuya esencia no está subordinada a caprichos ni modas pasajeras, ni siquiera al objetivo mucho más noble de fabricar un mundo mejor para nuestros hijos. En este artículo, aparte de subrayar las características básicas e inalienables que construyen la familia como una institución natural que debe defenderse a toda costa, el autor sugiere demostrar que los intentos dirigidos al control natal no sólo son intrínsecamente poco éticos sino también irrealizables en la práctica puesto que no habrán de conducir al desarrollo sostenible del mundo sino, por el contrario, a unos efectos negativos que darán origen a una sociedad deshumanizada. Presenta una propuesta a favor de la correcta aplicación del concepto de desarrollo sostenible, que comprende la erradicación de las injusticias estructurales del mundo y de la miseria de las naciones más pobres, así como la defensa de la persona y de la sociedad humanas con base en el fomento de la familia natural como un elemento clave en todo proceso de desarrollo eficaz y verdadero.
O conceito de desenvolvimento sustentável aponta à necessidade das sociedades humanas de ajustar o seu processo econômico, social e demográfico aos recursos disponíveis e salvaguardar o seu ambiente físico para conseguir um melhor nível de vida às gerações do amanhã. Desgraçadamente, este conceito tende a ser interpretado desde a falsa premissa de que, para conseguir este desenvolvimento harmônico e duradouro, sobretudo nos países do terceiro mondo, é necessário reduzir os índices de natalidade sem respeitar as normas éticas nem a dignidade da pessoa humana. Os defensores desta idéia socavam os valores intrínsecos da sociedade, mesmo com propostas que conduzem à desunião da família como instituição natural, cuja essência não depende dos caprichos nem das modas transitórias, nem sequer de construir um mondo melhor para os nossos filhos. Neste artigo, além de ressaltar as características físicas e inalienáveis construindo a família como uma instituição natural que deve defender-se, o autor afirma que os intuitos de controlar a natalidade não só têm pouca ética mas são irrealizáveis, já que não levarão ao desenvolvimento sustentável do mondo, mas a efeitos negativos que originarão uma sociedade desumanizada. Portanto, ele propõe que seja aplicado corretamente o conceito de desenvolvimento sustentável, que implica desterrar as injustiças estruturais do mondo e a miséria das nações mais pobres, assim como defender a pessoa e a sociedade humana, preservando a família como elemento chave em todo processo de desenvolvimento eficaz e verdadeiro.
Assuntos
Humanos , Família , Casamento , Demografia , Pessoalidade , ÉticaRESUMO
The case of Lysenkoism in the Soviet Union helps us understand how people's wrong beliefs can be influenced by what the information they receive from outside, especially when there is a large volume of media coverage and there is no contrary information to be heard. The population control movement in contemporary United States has many parallels to the Lysenko episode.
PIP: The history of the population control movement in the US resembles the Lysenkoism which destroyed agriculture and the study of genetics in the Soviet Union for 25 years, starting in the 1930s under Stalin's rule. Both movements developed out of only theoretical ideas, with no scientific evidence. Lysenko and Prezent rejected the classical theory by assuming that heredity is a general internal property of living matter. They rejected the gene theory on a priori abstract considerations, ignoring the factual basis of genetics. Likewise, population control advocates adhere to the abstract notion that some unit of discourse is finite, therefore inevitably limiting growth in population and consumption. However, the available evidence does not support the argument that population growth and density are associated with poorer economic results. The case of Lysenkoism in the Soviet Union helps one to understand how people's wrong beliefs can be influenced by what outside information they receive, especially when there is considerable media coverage and no information to the contrary.