RESUMO
Introduction: Inclusive morphemes in Spanish, -e y -x, have begun to be used in place of generic masculine forms. In this study, we look at the processing of sentences with inclusive language from the perspective of experimental cognitive psychology and with the methodological tools of psycholinguistics. Methods: A sentence-by-sentence self-paced reading experiment examined the difference in reading times between sentences containing the traditional, masculine, generic form and sentences with gender inclusive language. The experiment was carried out in 69 monolingual speakers of River Plate Spanish: 38 young adults (between 18 and 30 years: 23 women and 15 men) and 31 older adults (between 31 and 60 years: 12 women and 19 men). Results: sentences with inclusive language were read more slowly than sentences with the generic masculine form. Surprisingly, neither age nor gender were found to have significant effects. Discussion: These results suggest that reading sentences with inclusive morphemes results in a higher processing cost and that this language change is in its very early stages.
Introducción: El lenguaje inclusivo se manifiesta en español en el uso de los morfemas -e y -x, en lugar del masculino genérico. Este estudio aborda el procesamiento de oraciones con lenguaje inclusivo desde la perspectiva dela psicología cognitiva experimental y con las herramientas metodológicas de la psicolingüística. Método: Con un experimento de lectura a ritmo personal se examinó la diferencia en los tiempos de lectura de oraciones con masculino genérico y oraciones con lenguaje inclusivo. Participaron 69 hablantes monolingües de español rioplatense: 38 jóvenes (entre 18 y 30 años: 23 mujeres y 15 varones) y 31 adultos (entre 31 y 60 años: 12 mujeres y 19 varones). Resultados: Las oraciones con lenguaje inclusivo se leyeron más lentamente que las correspondientes oraciones con masculino genérico. Crucialmente, las variables edad y género no produjeron diferencias significativas. Discusión: Estos resultados sugieren que la lectura de oraciones con lenguaje inclusivo conlleva un mayor costo de procesamiento y que este cambio lingüístico se encuentra en etapas muy iniciales.
Assuntos
Idioma , Psicolinguística , Masculino , Adulto Jovem , Humanos , Feminino , IdosoRESUMO
RESUMEN Son diversas las proclamas que abogan por el uso constante del lenguaje inclusivo en las aulas de clase con el objeto de disminuir las brechas de discriminación e intolerancia ante la diversidad en el ámbito educativo. El presente estudio analiza las actitudes lingüísticas de los maestros bogotanos de la escuela pública respecto de la utilización del lenguaje inclusivo. La investigación se inscribe en el enfoque Qualitativo con un alcance descriptivo. Se empleó el cuestionario sociolingüístico y la escala de Likert en la medición de las actitudes lingüísticas, instrumentos propios del método directo. En los hallazgos, se observa que las percepciones lingüísticas negativas se fundamentan en la corrección idiomàtica y en las directrices establecidas por la Real Academia Española. Asimismo, algunos maestros consideran necesario replantear la noción de lenguaje inclusivo, pues la actual no involucra el contexto escolar en su totalidad. Se concluye que los docentes asumen la normalización lingüística en la valoración del lenguaje inclusivo y, al mismo tiempo, consideran que las formas @, -e, -x no están insertas en su variedad lingüística.
AВSTRАСT There are several proclamations advocating the continued use of inclusive language in classrooms to reduce the gaps of discrimination and intolerance to diversity in the field of education. The study is part of the qualitative approach with a descriptive scope. The sociolinguistic questionnaire and the Likert scale were used in the measurement of linguistic attitudes, instruments of the direct method. In the findings, it is observed that negative linguistic attitudes are based on language correction and the guidelines established by the Real Academia Española. In addition, some teachers consider that it is necessary to rethink the notion of inclusive language, since the current one does not involve the school context in its entirety. It is concluded that teachers assume linguistic standardization in the assessment of inclusive Language, and, at the same time, they consider that the forms of inclusive language are not embedded in their linguistic variety.
RESUMO Há várias proclamações que defendem o uso constante de linguagem inclusiva na sala de aula, a fim de reduzir as lacunas de discriminação e intolerância em relação à diversidade na esfera educacional. Este estudo analisa as atitudes lingüísticas dos professores da escola pública de Bogotá em relação ao uso de uma linguagem inclusiva. A pesquisa é baseada em uma abordagem qualitativa com um escopo descritivo. O questionário sociolingüístico e a escala Likert foram usados para medir atitudes lingüísticas, instrumentos típicos do método direto. Os resultados mostram que as percepções lingüísticas negativas se baseiam na correção idiomática e nas diretrizes estabelecidas pela Real Academia Espanhola. Além disso, alguns professores consideram necessário repensar a noção de linguagem inclusiva, pois a linguagem atual não envolve o contexto escolar em sua totalidade. Conclui-se que os professores assumem a normalização lingüística na valorização da linguagem inclusiva e, ao mesmo tempo, consideram que as formas @, -e, -x não são parte de sua variedade lingüística.
RESUMO
In Argentina, the so-called "inclusive language" aims at avoiding the bias for a particular sex or gender and objects to a grammatical binary system (feminine - masculine). Although in most Spanish-speaking countries, inclusive language has been limited to the realms of activism, gender studies and a certain type of public administration, in Argentina, its use has been extended to different social spheres, mostly urban. Considering such context, this work aims to investigate the inclusive language in Spanish and characterize its most relevant resources in a series of public texts that circulated in Argentina between 2018 and 2020. On the one hand, its origin is explained, differentiating it from non-sexist language and the different theoretical positions around inclusive language are exposed. On the other hand, from the Dialogical Approach to Argumentation and Polyphony, this paper proposes to address inclusive language resources as subjectivity and polyphony marks which evidence certain aspects of the discourse of patriarchy, with respect to which there is dissent; therefore, inclusive language resources show viewpoints that were once silenced and rejected. For this, a corpus of various speeches is addressed, made up of outdoor urban inscriptions, flyers (advertisements), audiovisual informative speeches and digital press, written in inclusive language, between 2018 and 2020. Throughout the paper it is warns that the inclusive language marks, such as -e and x, are traces of the "heterogeneity shown marked" that object to grammatical binarism and convey comments by the subject about their own enunciation, alluding to the image of previous sexist and patriarchal discourses with whom they disagree. The analysis reveals that the words or expressions in which inclusive language resources are employed (-e and x) work as traces of harassed identities and manifest comments by the speaker on their own enunciation. This way, this research shows that gender inclusive language holds conflict linguistic marks which point to historically denied dissidence forms, linked to gender identity and the assertion of collective rights. Finally, this article aims at, on the one hand, contributing to the description of Argentinean Spanish, and on the other, promoting reflection in favor of linguistic education. Undoubtedly, opening instances of debate on the subject can have an impact on the deepening of linguistic reflection and the training of speakers who contribute to forging a more egalitarian society, one which is inclusive and respectful of differences.
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This article presents the results of a survey conducted in January 2020 about attitudes toward gender-neutral language in Argentina. The survey was delivered mainly through social networks to 4,205 participants, and its results help understand the complexity of the attitudes toward the phenomenon. In particular, I will argue two hypotheses: 1) that an extensive favorable attitude of acceptance toward gender-neutral language does not imply extensive willingness to use it; 2) that its use is more readily accepted and used in vocative positions, indicating that it works better as a strategic discursive option than as an ongoing linguistic change.