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Background: The CAPE Vulnerability Index serves as a worldwide foreign policy indicator that implies which countries should get assistance first. It provides an evidence-based, well-structured, and well-reasoned strategy for employing aid in bilateral arrangements with mental health as a basis. Objective: The second edition of the CAPE VI has been developed to identify which nations should get priority foreign aid. Materials and Methods: We considered various indices or measures at the country level reflecting the average national health status or factors influencing public health. To make our choice, we used 26 internationally accessible and verified indicators. For the study, we have scored the countries according to these indices and prioritized those with the worst scores. Results: The CAPE Vulnerability Index is based on the number of times a country is ranked among the low-scoring nations. It is based on nine parameters and is an independent measure even though there may be a correlation with similar indices such as life expectancy, disability-adjusted life years(DALYs), physician numbers, and gross domestic product(GDP). Conclusion: We concluded that low-scoring countries were fragile or failed states, such as nations where governments lack complete oversight or power, are often oppressive and corrupt, have allegations of violations of human rights, or are marked by political turmoil in different forms, drawbacks from severe environmental damage, severe impoverishment, inequalities, cultural and racial divisions, cannot supply fundamental amenities, are victims of terrorism, and so on. To address these essential problems impacting fragile nations, administrations, aid donors, local organizations, mental health specialists, and associations should collaborate.
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BACKGROUND: Global health diplomacy (GHD) focuses on the actions taken by diverse stakeholders from different nations -governments, multilateral agents, and civil society- to phenomena that can affect population health and its determinants beyond national borders. Although the literature on conceptual advancements of GHD exists, empirical studies about how health becomes an issue of relevance for foreign policy are scarce. We present an analysis of the entry processes of health into the foreign policy and diplomatic domains in Mexico from the perspective of key informants of three different sectors. METHODS: A purposive sample of high-rank representatives of three sectors involved in GHD was designed: Two from Health Sector (HS), four from Foreign Affairs Sector (FAS), and three from Non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Nine semi-structured interviews were conducted exploring the topics of: (1) Health concerns entering diplomatic and foreign policy; (2) Processes that allow actors to influence foreign policy and negotiation and; (3) Impact of multilateral negotiations on decision-making at the national level. RESULTS: Our analysis suggests that GHD in Mexico is hierarchically driven by the FAS and health concerns only enter foreign policy when they are relevant to national priorities (such as trade or security). HS possesses a lesser degree of influence in GHD, serving as an instance of consultation for the FAS when deciding on health-related issues at global meetings (i.e., World Health Assembly). NGOs resort to lobbying, advocacy, networking, and coalition-working practices with other sectors (academy, think-tanks) to prevent harmful impacts on local health from multilateral decisions and as a mean to compensate its power asymmetry for influencing GHD processes in relation to the government. CONCLUSIONS: GHD in Mexico occurs in a context of asymmetric power relationships where government actors have the strongest influence. However, NGOs' experience in raising awareness of health risks needs to be weighted by government decision-makers. This situation calls for capacity building on intersectoral communication and coordination to create formal mechanisms of GHD practices, including the professionalization and training on GHD among government agencies.
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Diplomacia , Saúde Global , Governo , Política de Saúde , Humanos , México , Política PúblicaRESUMO
Science, technology, and innovation (STI) is increasingly gaining in importance on the foreign policy agenda of governments worldwide. However, the implementation of science diplomacy strategies requires STI institutional capacity and strong interfaces with policy and diplomacy. This research first maps the STI public institutions of the six member countries of the Central American Integration System (Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica and Panama) and then draws their capacity to connect internationally in order to highlight their potential for science diplomacy. Variables such as the year of creation and mandates of scientific councils, secretariats, national academies, international cooperation departments and ministries are analyzed. The study reveals several public management challenges stemming from the institutional disparity and complexity of the region, already marked by significant asymmetries of human development between the various countries. Highlighting and understanding such challenges may be helpful for countries in the region in developing meaningful strategies around science diplomacy.
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By early-2016, the international community began to pressure Brazil for a stronger policy response to Zika. In contrast to what was seen in the past, however, these international pressures did not elicit such a response. In this article, we explore why this was the case, reviewing the government's policy response and the broader political and economic context shaping this response. The authors used single case study analysis and qualitative sources, such as books, journal articles, and government policy reports to support their empirical claims. We found that despite increased international pressures from the WHO, domestic political factors and economic recession hampered the government's ability to strengthen its health systems response to Zika. Consequently, those states most afflicted by Zika have seen policy initiatives that lack sufficient funding, administrative and human resource capacity. This study revealed that despite a government's deep foreign policy history of positively responding to international pressures through a stronger policy response to health epidemics, a sudden change in government, rising political instability, and economic recession can motivate governments to abandon this foreign policy tradition and undermine its response to new public health threats.
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BACKGROUND: Global health diplomacy (GHD) has become an important field of investigation due to health concerns increasingly entering the foreign policy domain. Much of the existing academic writing focuses on North-South cooperation in global health, and emphasizes the role of security and economic interests by Northern countries as drivers of GHD. Chile presents a favourable environment for an expanded involvement in future GHD activities. However, there is little knowledge about what has been driving Chile's integration of health into foreign policy, and little effort to appropriate knowledge from international relations theories to better theoretically grasp the emergence of GHD. METHODS: To fill this knowledge gap, we conducted a narrative literature review of the driving forces behind Chile's integration of health into foreign policy. Drawing on a popular analytical framework used in international relations scholarship, we identified driving forces of the integration of health into Chile foreign policy at three levels of analysis. RESULTS: At the international/global level of analysis, the main driving forces were related to national security concerns and compliance with regulations of international organizations. At the regional level, GHD was driven by a commitment to regional solidarity through mutually beneficial cooperation in response to neoliberal reforms; health coordination in emergencies; and protection of indigenous peoples. Finally, at the domestic level, drivers identified include economic interests of various productive sectors and how health regulations might impact those; the high degree of social inequity which impacts on access to healthcare; and management of natural disasters. CONCLUSION: Health actions in the context of international relations in Chile are still mainly motivated by more traditional foreign policy interests rather than by a desire to satisfy health needs per se. This seems to conform with findings of existing GHD scholarship that emphasize the importance of security and economic interests as driving forces of GHD, and how health is often appropriated instrumentally within foreign policy settings to achieve other goals. But the review also reveals that in the context of South-South cooperation (and regional health diplomacy), solidarity and normative considerations can be important driving forces as well. Finally, the review demonstrates that there has been an evolution from chiefly domestically focused health policies (e.g. maternal and child nutrition treatment) towards internationally inspired integrated policies (e.g. maternal and child nutrition promotion aligned with international guidelines).
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Diplomacia , Saúde Global , Chile , HumanosRESUMO
O objetivo desse artigo é analisar o processo decisório de política externa de Israel, com destaque para a área de segurança dentro do espectro geral da formulação de políticas, ressaltando a influência de aspectos psicológicos, como as emoções, na ideologia e na política interna israelense. O aspecto pragmático da tomada de decisão de Israel esteve presente em análises como um paradigma indiscutível e, de forma a procurar entender o processo decisório, partiremos da premissa, defendida por Robert Jervis (1976), de que os decisores como seres humanos estão propensos a condições humanas naturais, como as emoções. Procura-se destacar quais atores são responsáveis pela tomada de decisão, quais seus interesses e como ocorre esse processo, utilizando o modelo de análise burocrática desenvolvido por Allison e Zelikow (1999) e teorias de psicologia política. Entendido o processo pretende-se analisá-lo no período do governo Menachem Begin (1977-1983), na ascensão da direita, representada pelo partido Likud, em Israel.
The foreign policy decision-making process can be understood as a complex arrangement between institutions and bureaucracies responsible for decision-making. The problem presented on this dissertation rests on how this arrangement can be understood in the case of Israeli foreign policy. The central argument deals with the character of the decisions taken by the Israeli government, in which the pragmatism of decision-making would be overestimated, since emotions would have a central role in the decision-making process. We seek to highlight which actors are responsible for decision making, what their interests are and how this process occurs, using the model of bureaucratic analysis developed by Allison and Zelikow (1999) and theories of political psychology. Understood the process we intend to analyze it in the period of the Menachem Begin government (1977 - 1983), in the rise of the Likud party. The central objective is to propose a research on the formulation of foreign policy in Israel from the point of view of the responsible institutions and bureaucracies.
El objetivo de este artículo es analizar el proceso decisorio de política exterior de Israel, con destaque para el área de seguridad dentro del espectro general de la formulación de políticas, resaltando la influencia de aspectos psicológicos, como las emociones, la ideología y la política interna israelí. El aspecto pragmático de la toma de decisión de Israel estuvo presente en análisis como un paradigma indiscutible y, para tratar de entender el proceso decisorio, partiremos de la premisa, defendida por Robert Jervis (1976), de que los responsables de la toma de decisiones de los seres humanos están propensos a condiciones humanas naturales, como las emociones. Se busca destacar qué actores son responsables de la toma de decisión, cuáles son sus intereses y cómo ocurre ese proceso, utilizando el modelo de análisis burocrático desarrollado por Allison y Zelikow (1999) y teorías de psicología política. Entendido el proceso se pretende analizar en el período del gobierno Menachem Begin (1977-1983), en la ascensión de la derecha, representada por el partido Likud, en Israel.
L'objet de cet article est d'analyser le processus de prise de décision de politique étrangère d'Israël, en soulignant le domaine de la sécurité dans l'ensemble du spectre de la formulation des politiques, en soulignant l'influence des aspects psychologiques tels que les émotions, l'idéologie et la politique intérieure. Israélien. Le pragmatisme de la prise de décision en Israël a été présenté dans les analyses comme un paradigme incontestable et, afin de comprendre le processus de prise de décision, nous partirons du principe, défendu par Robert Jervis (1976), selon lequel les décideurs sont des êtres humains. conditions humaines naturelles telles que les émotions. Il cherche à mettre en évidence quels acteurs sont responsables de la prise de décision, quels sont leurs intérêts et comment ce processus se produit, en utilisant le modèle d'analyse bureaucratique développé par Allison et Zelikow (1999) et les théories de la psychologie politique. Le processus compris vise à l'analyser pendant la période du gouvernement Menachem Begin (1977-1983), à la montée du droit, représentée par le parti du Likoud en Israël.
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Devido ao acentuado fluxo migratório de haitianos com destino ao território brasileiro, verificado especialmente após o ano de 2010, o presente artigo analisa a mudança ocorrida na política externa brasileira para imigrantes e refugiados com foco nesse grupo migratório. O trabalho parte do pressuposto de que ocorreu uma recategorização desses migrantes, anteriormente classificados pelo governo brasileiro como refugiados, frente aos anseios de projeção internacional do país. Tais anseios cristalizaram-se sob a atuação do Brasil nos fóruns regionais sobre a temática de migração e direitos humanos, no comando da Missão das Nações Unidas para a Estabilização no Haiti e com o assento definitivo na Organização Internacional para as Migrações e Alto Comissariado das Nações Unidas para Refugiados, quiçá, um degrau às pretensões do Estado brasileiro junto ao Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas. Utilizando-se da abordagem de autores sobre a Política Externa Brasileira contemporânea, vislumbrar-se-á então quais foram as fontes de mudança sofridas na política externa e migratória brasileira, com base no caso do trato dos haitianos, que possivelmente replicam-se para outros grupos destacados, como de sírios e senegaleses. Por fim, o artigo aponta os desafios e pontos de convergência entre estas duas políticas, além das incongruências decorrentes da problemática migratória interna somada aos anseios de inserção estratégica externa do governo brasileiro entre 2010 e 2015.(AU)
With regard to the growing migration flow of Haitians towards the Brazilian territory, experienced specially after the year 2010, this article analyses the changes in the Brazilian foreign policy to immigrants and refugees, with special focus on this migratory group. The paper assumes that there had been a recategorization of these migrants, previously classified by the Brazilian government as refugees, with regard to the aspirations of international projection of the country. Such aspirations were crystallized under the action of Brazil in regional forums on migration and human rights issues, in charge of the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti and the permanent seat in the International Organization for Migration and United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, perhaps, a step to the aims of the Brazilian state with the United Nations Security Council. Using the approaches of authors of the contemporary Brazilian Foreign Policy, this paper will highlight what were the sources of change suffered in the Brazilian foreign and migration policies, based on the case of the Haitians, which possibly is replicated to other relevant groups such as Syrians and Senegalese. Finally, the article points out the challenges and points of convergence between these two policies, in addition to the inconsistencies arising from domestic migration issues in addition to the foreign strategic insertion aspirations of the Brazilian government between 2010 and 2015.(AU)
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Humanos , Emigrantes e Imigrantes , RefugiadosRESUMO
Devido ao acentuado fluxo migratório de haitianos com destino ao território brasileiro, verificado especialmente após o ano de 2010, o presente artigo analisa a mudança ocorrida na política externa brasileira para imigrantes e refugiados com foco nesse grupo migratório. O trabalho parte do pressuposto de que ocorreu uma recategorização desses migrantes, anteriormente classificados pelo governo brasileiro como refugiados, frente aos anseios de projeção internacional do país. Tais anseios cristalizaram-se sob a atuação do Brasil nos fóruns regionais sobre a temática de migração e direitos humanos, no comando da Missão das Nações Unidas para a Estabilização no Haiti e com o assento definitivo na Organização Internacional para as Migrações e Alto Comissariado das Nações Unidas para Refugiados, quiçá, um degrau às pretensões do Estado brasileiro junto ao Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas. Utilizando-se da abordagem de autores sobre a Política Externa Brasileira contemporânea, vislumbrar-se-á então quais foram as fontes de mudança sofridas na política externa e migratória brasileira, com base no caso do trato dos haitianos, que possivelmente replicam-se para outros grupos destacados, como de sírios e senegaleses. Por fim, o artigo aponta os desafios e pontos de convergência entre estas duas políticas, além das incongruências decorrentes da problemática migratória interna somada aos anseios de inserção estratégica externa do governo brasileiro entre 2010 e 2015.
With regard to the growing migration flow of Haitians towards the Brazilian territory, experienced specially after the year 2010, this article analyses the changes in the Brazilian foreign policy to immigrants and refugees, with special focus on this migratory group. The paper assumes that there had been a recategorization of these migrants, previously classified by the Brazilian government as refugees, with regard to the aspirations of international projection of the country. Such aspirations were crystallized under the action of Brazil in regional forums on migration and human rights issues, in charge of the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti and the permanent seat in the International Organization for Migration and United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, perhaps, a step to the aims of the Brazilian state with the United Nations Security Council. Using the approaches of authors of the contemporary Brazilian Foreign Policy, this paper will highlight what were the sources of change suffered in the Brazilian foreign and migration policies, based on the case of the Haitians, which possibly is replicated to other relevant groups such as Syrians and Senegalese. Finally, the article points out the challenges and points of convergence between these two policies, in addition to the inconsistencies arising from domestic migration issues in addition to the foreign strategic insertion aspirations of the Brazilian government between 2010 and 2015.
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Humanos , Emigrantes e Imigrantes , RefugiadosRESUMO
O presente artigo traça a evolução histórica da cooperação técnica internacional brasileira e sua relação com a saúde pública, marcando os momentos de inflexão conceitual e a perspectiva atual do Brasil sobre o tema. Analisar essa evolução histórico conceitual e a inserção brasileira na política global da saúde é o objetivo deste artigo, que tem como método a análise documental, apoiada em revisão da literatura, e metodologia qualitativa. O marco teórico apoia-se principalmente em autores da política externa brasileira, da saúde global e da diplomacia da saúde, além de relatórios de instituições nacionais e multilaterais envolvidas coma cooperação técnica internacional em saúde.
This article draws the historical evolution of Brazilian international technical cooperation and its relationship to public health, marking the moments of conceptual inflection and Brazils current perspective on the subject. The purpose of this article is to analyze this historical and conceptual evolution and the Brazilian participation in the global health policy, which method is document analysis, based on literature review and qualitative methodology. The theoretical framework relies primarily on authors of Brazilian foreign policy,global health and health diplomacy, as well as reports of national and multilateral institutions involved ininternational technical cooperation in health.
Este artículo describe la evolución histórica de la cooperación técnica internacional de Brasil y su relacióncon la salud pública, marcando los momentos de inflexión conceptual y la perspectiva actual de Brasil sobreel tema. Analizar esta evolución histórica y conceptual y la participación de Brasil en la política sanitaria mundial es el propósito de este artículo, que tiene como método para el análisis documental, basado en revisión de la literatura y en la metodología cualitativa. El marco teórico se basa principalmente en autores dela política exterior brasileña, de la salud mundial y de la diplomacia de la salud, así como en los informes delas instituciones nacionales y multilaterales que participan de la cooperación técnica internacional en salud.
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Humanos , Cooperação Internacional , Saúde Pública , Comunicação e Divulgação Científica , Cooperação Técnica , Brasil , Saúde Global , Institutos Governamentais de PesquisaRESUMO
Brazil as an emerging power plays an important role in world policy. Dilma Rousseff, the current Presidentof Brazil, belongs to the most powerful women in the world. She replaces Ignázio Lula da Silva, one of thesifnificant Brazilian politicians. Dilma´s policy varies from Lula´s in some fields. A good example is the foreignpolicy which has been changed. In contrast, the social policy remains consistent. The article deals with the abovementioned policies after Dilma´s inauguration.The paper also elucidates early life, political career and presidential campaigns of Dilma. The aim of articleis to evaluate the priorities of the current Brazilian policy and the changes implemented during Dilma´sadministration.
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Programas Nacionais de Saúde , Atenção Primária à Saúde , Política Pública , BrasilRESUMO
Over recent years Brazil has played an increasingly active role internationally, the result of its model of integration and its foreign policy directives. The health sector is a valuable and strategic area for Brazilian technical cooperation to achieve various objectives, including its development goals. This article describes the main directives of Brazilian foreign policy, conceptually defining and characterizing South-South Cooperation, illustrated through an analysis of two Brazilian technical cooperation initiatives in healthcare: one in South America, the other in Africa. The study concludes that, irrespective of the interests and power asymmetries existing in South-South Cooperation, the objectives of this cooperation were achieved through the technical work.
Nos últimos anos, o Brasil foi ativo no âmbito internacional, tanto por seu modelo de inserção como pelas diretrizes de política externa. O setor saúde é uma ferramenta valiosa e estratégica utilizada pela cooperação técnica brasileira para lograr seus objetivos de desenvolvimento. Este artigo descreve as principais diretrizes de política externa brasileira, conceitua e caracteriza a Cooperação Sul-Sul, ilustrada mediante análise de duas iniciativas de cooperação técnica em saúde do Brasil: na América do Sul e na África. O estudo conclui que, independentemente dos interesses e das assimetrias de poder que existem na Cooperação Sul-Sul, os objetivos dessa cooperação foram alcançados por meio do trabalho técnico.
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Humanos , Masculino , Feminino , Criança , Adolescente , Adulto , Pessoa de Meia-Idade , Idoso , Idoso de 80 Anos ou mais , Surtos de Doenças , Febre do Nilo Ocidental/epidemiologia , Vírus do Nilo Ocidental/isolamento & purificação , Fatores Etários , Anticorpos Antivirais/sangue , Anticorpos Antivirais/líquido cefalorraquidiano , Líquido Cefalorraquidiano/imunologia , Líquido Cefalorraquidiano/virologia , Ensaio de Imunoadsorção Enzimática , Mortalidade , Reação em Cadeia da Polimerase , Reação em Cadeia da Polimerase Via Transcriptase Reversa , RNA Viral/sangue , RNA Viral/líquido cefalorraquidiano , Análise de Sobrevida , Soro/imunologia , Soro/virologia , Tunísia/epidemiologia , Febre do Nilo Ocidental/patologia , Febre do Nilo Ocidental/virologiaRESUMO
Brazilian foreign policy paradigms and changes in the global scenario since the Cold War created conditions for stronger ties between Brazil and Portuguese-speaking African countries. Recently, Brazil took the lead in regional integration processes and in South-South cooperation initiatives. These strategies and Fiocruz's acknowledged technical expertise resulted in its direct involvement in Brazilian foreign public health policy in the Community of Portuguese-Speaking Countries. Fiocruz developed cooperation projects in various areas, sharing its know-how and best practices in the most critical fields in partner countries, consolidating "public health framework cooperation" and contributing to diversifying Brazil's partners and promoting Brazil as a global actor.
Os paradigmas da política externa brasileira e as mudanças no cenário global desde a Guerra Fria criaram as condições para aproximação do Brasil com os países africanos de língua portuguesa. Recentemente, o Brasil tomou a liderança nos processos de integração regional e nas iniciativas de cooperação Sul-Sul. Essas estratégias e a reconhecida expertise técnica da Fiocruz abriram espaço para o envolvimento direto da instituição na política externa do Brasil com a Comunidade de Países de Língua Portuguesa na área da saúde. A Fiocruz desenvolveu projetos de cooperação em áreas diversas, compartilhando seu know-how e melhores práticas em áreas prioritárias dos países parceiros, consolidando a "cooperação estruturante em saúde" e contribuindo para a diversificação de parceiros do país e promovendo o Brasil como ator global.
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Humanos , Masculino , Feminino , Adulto , Pessoa de Meia-Idade , Idoso , Adenocarcinoma/química , Antígenos CD/análise , Caderinas/análise , Carcinoma Adenoescamoso/química , Neoplasias da Vesícula Biliar/química , Biomarcadores Tumorais/análise , Adenocarcinoma/secundário , Diferenciação Celular , Carcinoma Adenoescamoso/secundário , Neoplasias da Vesícula Biliar/patologia , Imuno-Histoquímica , Estimativa de Kaplan-Meier , Metástase Linfática , Análise Multivariada , Invasividade Neoplásica , Estadiamento de Neoplasias , Valor Preditivo dos Testes , Prognóstico , Modelos de Riscos Proporcionais , Fatores de Risco , Fatores de Tempo , Carga TumoralRESUMO
O presente trabalho tem por objetivo realizar o diálogo entre os temas de saúde e política externa a partir do caso brasileiro durante os governos dos presidentes Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) e Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010). Por meio da análise das diretrizes da política externa brasileira entre 1995 e 2010, busca-se identificar o porquê do processo de institucionalização do tema da saúde na agenda da política externa do país, considerando-se a hipótese de que a saúde era um tema de importância estratégica para o objetivo maior da diplomacia brasileira, qual seja a participação influente na política internacional. Para tanto, discute-se os conceitos de saúde global e diplomacia em saúde, as formas de interação entre a saúde e outras dimensões da política externa e o papel das ideias na formulação dessa política de acordo com a abordagem construtivista da Teoria de Relações Internacionais. Além disso, as mudanças político-administrativas nas estruturas do Ministério da Saúde e do Ministério das Relações Exteriores e as referências à saúde nos discursos políticos das autoridades brasileiras, especialmente dos presidentes da República, foram utilizadas para a ilustração do referido processo de institucionalização. A articulação significativa entre essas pastas ministeriais e a proeminência do Ministério da Saúde nas políticas internacionais em saúde também são analisadas na evolução da diplomacia em saúde do Brasil e sua projeção como uma referência global em saúde. Nota-se o fortalecimento do tema da saúde na agenda da diplomacia brasileira, apesar das diferenças nos estilos de política externa dos presidentes mencionados...
This study explores the dialogue between health and foreign policy under theadministrations of Presidents Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) and Luiz InácioLula da Silva (2003-2010). Through an analysis of the contours and priorities ofBrazilian foreign policy between 1995 and 2010, it aims to identify the reasons of theprocess through which health issues were institutionalized as part of the Braziliandiplomatic agenda. Specifically, it sets out the hypothesis that health is a topic ofstrategic importance to the primary goal of Brazilian foreign policy, which is influentialparticipation in international politics. To this end, the research discusses the concepts ofglobal health and health diplomacy, interaction between health and other dimensions offoreign policy, and the role of ideas in the formulation of this policy in accordance withthe constructivist approach of International Relations Theory. Moreover, the politicaland administrative changes in the structures of the Ministries of Health and ForeignAffairs, as well as references to health in Brazilian political discourse, especially that ofthe presidents of the Republic, were employed to illustrate the process ofinstitutionalization. The significant link between these Ministries and the prominence ofthe Ministry of Health in international health policies are also analyzed in the evolutionof Brazils health diplomacy and the countrys projection as a global health leader.Despite the differences in styles of foreign policy between Fernando Henrique Cardosoand Lula da Silva, the importance of health as a part of Brazils foreign policy agendawas significant over the period examined...
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Humanos , Saúde Global , Cooperação Internacional , Política , Atos Internacionais/políticasRESUMO
O objetivo é examinar as limitações da visão cosmopolita em torno do esporte e da atuação das organizações internacionais no estímulo às atividades esportivas como meio de reconciliação social em zonas de conflito e promoção dos direitos humanos. O argumento central indica que o fato de viabilizar maior contato entre diferentes culturas não significa que o esporte tenha o potencial de fazer transformações de larga escala na interação com o Outro. Além disso, o estímulo à cooperação social no âmbito esportivo tem menos relação com a eliminação de hierarquias de longa data entre as diferenças e sim com a satisfação de interesses políticos e econômicos de diversos atores no sistema internacional. É possível perceber a permanência de estruturas logocêntricas e de formas dicotômicas de pensar que marcam a linguagem e o pensamento na interação entre as relações internacionais e o esporte. As organizações internacionais - muitas dominadas por Estados autointeressados - fazem pouco para incorporar a maioria das pessoas com pouca oportunidade, e suas iniciativas de incentivo ao esporte para a paz e desenvolvimento recebem poucas verbas, são pouco planejadas e não atuam de forma a promover uma transformação efetiva e de larga escala das visões depreciativas sobre a diferença.
The aim is to examine the limitations of the cosmopolitan view on sport and the role of international organizations in fostering sports as means of social reconciliation in conflict areas and promotion of human rights. The central argument indicates that the fact of bringing greater contact between different cultures does not mean that sport has the potential to make large-scale transformations in the interaction with the Other. Furthermore, the stimulus to social cooperation in sports has less to do with the elimination of longstanding hierarchies between differences than with the satisfaction of political and economic interests of various actors in the international system. It is possible to see the persistence of logocentric and dichotomous ways of thinking that characterize language and thought in the relationship between international relations and sport. International organizations - many are dominated by self-interested states - do little to incorporate the majority of people with less opportunities, and their initiatives to encourage sport for peace and development receive little funding, are poorly designed and do not act to promote an effective and large-scale transformation of disparaging views about the difference.
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Humanos , Agências Internacionais , Relações Interpessoais , Esportes , Direitos HumanosRESUMO
This article discusses liberalization during the Fernando Collor Administration (1990-1992), seeking to demonstrate that the process was far more complex than the academic literature has acknowledged. The argument is that liberal reformism was dually inspired, namely by neoliberalism and the "competitive integration" project, and that it met resistance from both proponents of national developmentalism and its distributive version. It addition to schematically reconstructing these sets of ideals, the article discusses various state policies inspired by them, including foreign policy, foreign trade reform, privatization, etc. Finally, it seeks to identify the agents that sustained such policies and ideals. The article concludes with the overall results and suggestions for further research on the theme.
Dans cet article, on examine le processus de libéralisation pendant la période Collor pour chercher ensuite à montrer que ces mécanismes ont été bien plus complexes que ce que rapporte la littérature à leur sujet. On voit que le réformisme libéral a été le fruit d'une double inspiration - le néolibéralisme et le projet d'"intégration compétitive" - et s'est heurté à des résistances venant d'acteurs partisans d'un développementisme national persistant ou de la version redistributive de celui-ci. On a essayé de conceptualiser ces ensembles d'idées et de présenter plusieurs politiques d'État qui y ont puisé, comme ce fut le cas pour la politique extérieure, la réforme du commerce extérieur, la privatisation etc. On s'emploie enfin à identifier les agents qui ont soutenu ces politiques et ces idées et on conclut sur un résumé des résultats et des suggestions en vue d'autres recherches.
RESUMO
The influence of political parties on decisions made by members of Congress is a hotly debated issue in political science. In foreign policy, which is usually considered nonpartisan, the matter is even more inconclusive. The current study analyzes all the roll-call votes taken on foreign policy issues in the 2002-2006 legislature of the Chilean Chamber of Deputies. After tracing a spatial map of foreign policy preferences among Chilean Deputies using the Nominate statistical package, we concluded that the ideology of the legislator's political party is a predictive factor for his or her foreign policy behavior. Our findings indicate that the way Chilean legislators structure their preferences on foreign policy issues does not differ significantly from the way they shape their domestic policy preferences.
L'influence des partis politiques dans les décisions des parlementaires est un thème très discuté dans les sciences politiques. Quant à la politique extérieure, couramment considérée comme étant au-dessus des partis, la question reste plus ouverte. Dans cette recherche, on examine toutes les séances de votes nominaux sur des sujets de politique extérieure de la Législature 2002-2006 de la Chambre des Députés chiliens. Après avoir établi une carte des préférences des députés chiliens en matière de politique extérieure et à l'aide du programme statistique Nominate, on conclut que l'idéologie du parti politique du législateur est un facteur prédictif de la conduite du législateur en politique extérieure. Nos résultats montrent que la façon dont les législateurs chiliens établissent leurs préférences dans les thèmes de politique extérieure ne diffère pas significativement de la façon dont ils forment leurs préférences dans la politique interne.
RESUMO
Propõe-se, aqui, uma reflexão sobre as estratégias de inserção internacional do Brasil, a partir de uma tríade de políticas componentes da Agenda diplomática. Nesse sentido, a análise se desenvolve desde o início dos anos 90, com a observação das orientações da nossa política externa para o Mercosul, para as negociações multilaterais, e em relação à proposta de constituição da Area de Livre Comércio das Américas (Alca).
A review of that part of Brazil's diplomatic agenda, which, through a three-pronged policy approach, seeks to secure Brazil's engagement in the international sphere. The analysis begins in the early 1990's, with an examination of Brazil's policy towards Mercosul, its multilateral negotiations, and with regard to its participation in FTAA.
RESUMO
A política externa brasileira de meio ambiente carece de princípios claros, objetivos e estratégias. Por não compreender o que significa o desenvolvimento sustentável, o Itamarati freqüentemente privilegia os interesses econômicos de curto prazo, em detrimento da proteção do meio ambiente. A Convenção da Basiléia, o Protocolo de Cartagena e a Convenção de Estocolmo são três exemplos dessa tese, enquanto a Convenção de Mudanças Climáticas é a exceção que confirma a regra.
Brazil´s foreign environmental policy lacks clear principles, objectives and strategies. In its failure to understand the significance of sustainable development, the Itamaraty often favors short-term economic interests, to the detriment of environmental protection. The Basil Convention, the Cartagena Protocol and the Stockholm Convention are three supporting examples of this thesis, while the Convention on Climate Change is the exception that confirms the rule.
RESUMO
Os discursos governamentais nas Américas investem, em uníssono, em uma política de combate ao tráfico e ao uso de substâncias ilegais. Na esteira do consenso político e econômico atual, o combate ao narcotráfico alinha posturas repressivas em todo o continente. Este artigo trata do diálogo existente entre o proibicionismo brasileiro e norte-americano, acompanhando matizes históricos e práticas contemporâneas.
The governments of North, South and Central America are unanimous in their strong anti-drug policies. Hemispheric consensus currently exists in both the political and economic spheres, in favor of a harsh approach to combating narcotrafficking. This article attempts to examine the relationship between the Brazilian and American versions of prohibitionism, placing it in its historical context and reviewing contemporary approaches.