RESUMO

Researchers in public policy and public administration agree that policy integration is a process. Nevertheless, scholars have given limited attention to political aspects that facilitate or impede integration. This paper aims at filling that gap, by looking at how different theories of the policy process can help in explaining the process of policy integration as shaped by policy subsystems. By building on insights from theories of the policy process, we develop pathways regarding adoption and implementation in policy integration that account for the politicization and the role of actors and subsystems in the policy process. Our main argument is that policy integration is in permanent political tension with the sectoral logic of policymaking, which predominantly happens between actors in subsystems. Policy integration is, thus, not a single moment when those tensions are solved once and for all, but a political process that requires deliberate efforts to overcome the pull toward sector-specific problem definition, policymaking, implementation, and evaluation.

RESUMO

Resumo O trabalho reconstrói a trajetória do Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF), especialmente seu processo de aprendizado orientado à políticas públicas. Inicialmente, o texto contrasta os elementos contidos em Sabatier e Mazmanian (1980), nos quais são encontrados os primeiros esforços para desenvolver um modelo de análise com os argumentos encontrados em Sabatier (1987, 1988 e 1993). Posteriormente, a trajetória histórica de atualizações e versões do modelo é discutida com base nas análises de Sabatier e Jenkins-Smith (1999), Sabatier e Weible (2007) e Jenkins-Smith et al. (2018). Ao longo de mais de 30 anos de pesquisa, foi possível acompanhar as modificações presentes nas quatro versões do modelo, as principais hipóteses construídas, as críticas e seus desdobramentos Uma lacuna identificada nessa trajetória e consequente proposta para uma futura agenda de pesquisa apontam a influência dos atores internacionais e suas implicações nas modificações de políticas públicas, condição não explicitamente abordada pela ACF em suas diversas versões, conforme destacado por Jenkins-Smith et al. (2018).

Resumen El artículo pretende trazar la trayectoria del Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF), especialmente su proceso de aprendizaje orientado a políticas públicas. Inicialmente, el texto contrasta los elementos contenidos en Sabatier y Mazmanian (1980), donde se encuentran los primeros esfuerzos por desarrollar un modelo de análisis, con los argumentos encontrados en Sabatier (1987, 1988 y 1993). Posteriormente, se discute la trayectoria histórica de actualizaciones y versiones del modelo a partir de los análisis de Sabatier y Jenkins-Smith (1999), Sabatier y Weible (2007), y Jenkins-Smith et al. (2018). A lo largo de la trayectoria de construcción del ACF, fue posible seguir las modificaciones en las cuatro versiones del modelo, las principales hipótesis construidas, las críticas y sus desdoblamientos. Una laguna identificada en esta trayectoria, y consecuente propuesta de agenda de investigación futura, destaca la influencia de los actores internacionales y sus implicaciones en las modificaciones de las políticas públicas, condición no abordada explícitamente por el ACF en sus variadas versiones, como destacan Jenkins-Smith et al. (2018).

Abstract This paper aims to retrace the trajectory of the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF), especially its policy-oriented learning process. Initially, we contrast the elements in Sabatier and Mazmanian (1980), where the first efforts to develop an analysis model are found, with the arguments found in Sabatier (1987, 1988, and 1993). Subsequently, the historical trajectory of updates and versions of the model is discussed based on the analyses in Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith (1999), Sabatier and Weible (2007), and Jenkins-Smith et al. (2018). It was possible to follow the modifications in the model, the main hypotheses built, the criticisms, and their unfoldings. As main findings, it was evident throughout the ACF construction trajectory: four versions of the model over almost 30 years and with the decisive participation of six prominent authors who contributed to its main developments since the first version, present in Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith (1993); and Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith (1999), the model gains greater analytical capacity with the intermediate variables between the external factors and the policy subsystem and analytically refines the categories internal to the subsystem. One gap identified in this trajectory, and consequent proposal for a future research agenda, is the influence of international actors and their implications on policy modifications, a condition not explicitly addressed by the ACF in its varied versions, as highlighted by Jenkins-Smith et al. (2018).

Assuntos

RESUMO

Developing operationally strong community coalitions is critical to actualizing their potential for public health improvement. The purpose of this study was to measure how substance use prevention coalitions in Mexico functioned across their first 1.5 years, and to test associations between initial community contextual factors and subsequent coalition functioning and outcomes. Members of 19 coalitions participated in three waves of surveys about coalition context and functioning. We used paired t-tests to assess changes in coalition functioning and outcomes. Regression models estimated associations between coalition functioning and outcomes and initial community context. Among coalition functioning factors, over coalitions' first 1.5 years, member engagement increased, as did coordinator skill and participatory leadership style. Two initial community context factors - community support for prevention and community champions - predicted several measures of process competence, but only community champions predicted perceived community improvement. Thus, community champions may play a pivotal role in later coalition success. The observed increases in member engagement and process competence may support subsequent coalition sustainability, a crucial component to realizing their potential impact on public health.

Assuntos

RESUMO

Resumo O sucesso do Programa Nacional de DST/Aids no Brasil se deve, em boa medida, à pluralidade de atores sociais engajados no combate à Aids. Este artigo visa analisar a dinâmica de mudanças ocorridas dentro do subsistema da Política Nacional de DST/Aids à luz do modelo de coalizões de defesa (MCD). Trata-se de um estudo que se vale da análise documental dos marcos normativos e de entrevistas com informantes-chave. Os resultados apontam para a formação de três coalizões: Coalizão A (engajamento social), Coalizão B (força governamental), e Coalizão C (parcerias internacionais), que, mediadas pelos parlamentares e instituições científicas, travam disputas traduzindo seus pontos de vista em ações governamentais. Os achados mostram que, embora bem-sucedida, a Política Nacional de DST/Aids enfrentou grandes dificuldades em estabelecer padrões que contemplassem as necessidades da população. Entretanto, mesmo que as coalizões contem com estratégias distintas, apresentam-se como convergentes, pois se direcionam para o mesmo objetivo. Vale ressaltar que, nos dias atuais, a onda conservadora atuante no Brasil apresenta tendência a inviabilizar novas políticas no campo da Aids e ameaça direitos humanos e sociais adquiridos. Tais impactos devem ser analisados em estudos futuros.

Abstract The success of the National STD/AIDS Program in Brazil is, to a great extent, associated with the multiplicity of social actors involved in the fight against AIDS. The scope of this article is to analyze the dynamics of changes occurring within the subsystem of national STD/AIDS policy in the light of the advocacy coalition framework (ACF) model. The study is based on documentary analysis of regulatory frameworks and interviews with key informants. The results point to the formation of three coalitions: Coalition A (social engagement); Coalition B (the force of governmental policies/actors); and Coalition C (international partnerships) which, mediated by the House of representatives and scientific institutions, wage disputes to translate their viewpoints into government actions. The data show that, despite being successful, the National STD/AIDS Policy faced great difficulties in establishing standards that addressed the needs of the population. However, although coalitions have different strategies, they are convergent, as they are directed towards the same objectives. It is worth mentioning that nowadays, the conservative wave in Brazil tends to preclude renewed policies in the field of AIDS and may threaten well-established human and social rights. Such impacts need to be analyzed in future studies.

Assuntos

RESUMO

Despite evidence that chronic care management improves outcomes, a framework designed for low income, uninsured populations is still needed to improve health disparities and guide further replication. We describe the Innovative Care for Chronic Conditions framework implemented by a coalition of clinics and agencies to address chronic care management for Mexican Americans with Type 2 diabetes mellitus who have low income and primarily uninsured. The core elements of the framework are described by clinic, home and community settings with community health workers playing an essential role in the delivery of community-based services that address the social determinants of health. Promising results are described. This framework expands the understanding of chronic care management approaches and contributes to further replication of the framework in diverse settings.

Assuntos

RESUMO

Resumo Como as diversas iniciativas legislativas sobre acesso à informação no Brasil culminaram na aprovação da Lei n. 12.527 (Lei de Acesso à Informação [LAI], 2011)? A partir da abordagem de coalizões de defesa (advocacy coalitions framework - ACF), este artigo analisa a formação de agenda e a atuação de diferentes coalizões, por meio da análise de amplo clipping de notícias, entrevistas, leis e documentos publicados entre 2001 e 2012. Foram identificadas duas coalizões: a) uma a favor de mudanças na legislação, composta por setores do Poder Executivo, do Poder Legislativo, da mídia e da sociedade civil; e b) outra a favor da manutenção de regras restritivas de acesso à informação, composta por Forças Armadas, Itamaraty e Comissão de Relações Exteriores e Defesa Nacional (CRE) do Senado. Identificou-se, também, a superposição de dois subsistemas de políticas públicas: a) o de transparência; e b) o de reconciliação. Este último monopolizou o debate público sobre o tema, contribuindo para a morosidade na aprovação da LAI (2011). O Itamaraty também emerge como autor de forte lobby contra modificações nas regras de classificação de documentos, por motivos ainda a explorar em profundidade.

Resumen ¿Cómo las diversas iniciativas legislativas sobre acceso a la información en Brasil culminaron en la aprobación de la ley n.o 12.527 [Ley de Acceso a la Información (LAI), 2011)]? Utilizando el marco de coaliciones de causa (advocacy coalitions framework - ACF), este artículo analiza la formación de agenda y la actuación de diferentes coaliciones por medio del análisis de amplio clipping de noticias, entrevistas, leyes y documentos entre 2001 y 2012. Se identificaron dos coaliciones: una a favor de cambios en la legislación, compuesta por sectores del Ejecutivo, Legislativo, medios de comunicación y sociedad civil; y otra a favor del mantenimiento de reglas restrictivas de acceso a la información, compuesta por las Fuerzas Armadas, Itamaraty (Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de Brasil) y la Comisión de Relaciones Exteriores y Defensa Nacional del Senado. Se identificó también la superposición de dos subsistemas de políticas públicas, el de transparencia y el de reconciliación. Este último monopolizó el debate público sobre el tema, contribuyendo a la morosidad en la aprobación de la Ley de Acceso a la Información. El Itamaraty también emerge como autor de fuerte lobby contra modificaciones en las reglas de clasificación de documentos, por motivaciones aún por investigar.

Abstract How did the various legislative initiatives on access to information in Brazil culminate in the 12.527/11 federal law? Using the Advocacy Coalition Framework, this article analyzes the agenda setting and strategies of different coalitions, analyzing a broad array of news, interviews, laws, and official documents between 2001 and 2012. Two coalitions were identified: one in favor of changes in legislation, comprised of sectors of the Executive, legislative, the media and civil society; and another in favor of the maintenance of restrictive rules of access to information, composed of Armed Forces, Itamaraty (Brazil's diplomatic corps) and the Senate's Legislative Commission on Defense and Foreign Affairs. The article also identifies an overlap of two public policy subsystems: the transparency subsystem and the reconciliation one. The latter monopolized the public debate on the subject, contributing to the slowness in approving a transparency law. Itamaraty also emerges as the author of a strong lobby against changes in the rules for document classification, for reasons yet to be studied.

Assuntos

RESUMO

One-fourth of the adult population of Colombia is estimated to have hypertension. However, there has been relatively little attention to participatory approaches that address the social determinants of hypertension at the local level in Colombia. Early stages of a coalition for addressing hypertension in Quibdó (Colombia) included a stakeholder analysis and engagement of local organizations. This was followed by defining mutual goals, agreement of rules for decision making, and refining a shared vision. Based on a unified understanding of factors influencing hypertension risk, 12 organizations joined the local coalition. They developed an action plan for preventing hypertension and eliminating social disparities in its distribution. Lessons learned during this process suggest that, in marginalized urban areas of middle- and low-income countries, particular attention should be paid, at early implementation stages of coalition, to context specific challenges and opportunities, coalition membership and structure, reframing health, and strengthening capacity.

Assuntos

RESUMO

Este artigo parte da análise da ruptura ocorrida na Marcha das Vadias de Porto Alegre no ano de 2014, para pensar como se negociaram as políticas de aliança e coalizões dentro de um campo de tensões dos feminismos contemporâneos. Trata-se de um recorte de uma pesquisa de mestrado que acompanhou o processo de organização da Marcha das Vadias em caráter etnográfico e entrevistou sete pessoas que fizeram parte desse momento político. Aqui, são apresentadas brevemente as personagens a fim de refletir como se compôs a pluralidade em um campo de disputa que parecia ser polarizado. Essa análise busca ainda trazer uma reflexão mais ampla em relação aos movimentos políticos contemporâneos, suas pluralidades e negociações em campo identitário. Conclui-se que para pensar as alianças nas pautas é necessário considerar os marcadores sociais que se atravessam nos diferentes modos de fazer política feminista.

Marcha das Vadias de Porto Alegre: uma análise das políticas de aliança. Psicologia Política, 19(45), p 216-228 The aim of this article is to apply the analysis of rupture that occurred in the SlutWalk, during 2014 in Porto Alegre, to explore how alliances and coalitions were negotiated in a contemporary feminism tension field. This is part of a master's research that followed the SlutWalk organization, in an ethnographic process, and interviewed seven people who were part of this political moment. Here, the characters are briefly introduced in order to reflect how the plurality was composed in a dispute field that seemed to be polarized. This analysis also seeks to bring a broader reflection on contemporary political movements, their pluralities and negotiations in the identity field. In conclusion, in order to think about the alliances in the feminist guidelines, it is necessary to consider social markers that are crossed in the different ways of doing of feministpolitics.

Este artículo parte del análisis de la ruptura ocurrida en la Marcha de las Putas de Porto Alegre en el ano 2014, para pensar cómo se negociaron las políticas de alianza y coaliciones dentro de un campo de tensiones de los feminismos contemporáneos. Se trata de un recorte de una investigación de maestría que acompanó el proceso de organización de la Marcha de las Putas en carácter etnográfico y entrevistó a siete personas que formaron parte de ese momento político. Aquí, se presentan brevemente los personajes para reflejar cómo se compuso la pluralidad en un campo de disputa que parecía ser binario. Este análisis busca aún traer una reflexión más amplia en relación a los movimientos políticos contemporáneos, sus pluralidades y negociaciones en campo identitario. Se concluye que para pensar las alianzas en las pautas feministas es necesario considerar marcadores sociales que se atravesan en las diferentes formas de feminismos.

Cet article commence par l'analyse de la rupture survenue lors de la SlutWalk de Porto Alegre en 2014, afm de réfléchir à la manière dont les politiques d'alliance et de coalitions ont été négociées dans un champ de tensions du féminisme contemporain. Il s 'agit d 'une partie de la recherche d 'un Master qui a accompagné le processus d 'organisation de la SlutWalk à caractère ethnographique et qui a interrogé sept personnes qui faisaient partie de ce moment politique. Ici, les personnages sont brièvement présentés afm de refléter la composition de la pluralité dans un champ de controverse qui semblait être polarisé. Cette analyse cherche également à apporter une réflexion plus large sur les mouvements politiques contemporains, leurs pluralités et leurs négociations dans le domaine de l'identité. Il est conclu que, pour penser les alliances dans les lignes directrices, il est nécessaire de considérer différents marqueurs sociaux croisés dans les différentes formes de féminisme.

RESUMO

Resumo Este artigo analisa as coalizões de advocacia (meio ambiente e agricultura) estabelecidas durante a revisão do Código Florestal brasileiro e as principais estratégias de negociação adotadas. Entrevistas, análise de documentos e notícias de jornais de grande circulação possibilitaram captar como os gestores do Ministério do Meio Ambiente (MMA) e do Ministério da Agricultura, Pecuária e Abastecimento (Mapa) lideraram tais coalizões. A teoria do Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) foi utilizada na análise das coalizões. Os resultados demonstram que esses ministérios recorreram à negociação como estratégia principal. A coalizão agricultura também investiu em informação científica, ao passo que a coalizão meio ambiente investiu em mobilização social.

Resumen El trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar las coaliciones de causa (medio ambiente y agricultura) establecidas durante la revisión del Código Forestal Brasileño y las estrategias de negociación principales que se utilizan. Entrevistas, análisis de documentos y de los principales periódicos de noticias permiten captar como gestores de los ministerios de Medio Ambiente (MMA) y de Agricultura, Ganadería y Abastecimiento (Mapa) lideraron estas coaliciones. La teoría de advocacy coalition framework (ACF) se utiliza para el análisis de las coaliciones. Los resultados mostraron que ambos ministerios utilizan la negociación como estrategia principal. La coalición agricultura invirtió en información científica, mientras que la coalición medio ambiente invirtió en movilización social.

Abstract This study aims to analyze the advocacy coalitions (classified as 'environment' and 'agriculture') established during the revision of the Brazilian Forest Code and the main negotiation strategies used. Interviews, analysis of documents and newspaper' reports allowed capturing how the managers of the Ministries of Environment (MMA) and Agriculture, Livestock and Supply (Mapa) led these coalitions. Coalition analysis used the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF). Results showed both ministries used negotiation as their main strategy. The agriculture coalition invested in scientific information, while environment coalition carried out social mobilization.

Assuntos

RESUMO

Resumo Este artigo investiga como governos subnacionais solicitam transferências federais junto ao governo central no Brasil. Usando microdados sobre os pedidos de transferências voluntárias dos municípios à União entre 2009 e 2016 e um desenho de regressão descontínua, mostra-se que prefeitos do partido que ocupa a Presidência da República requerem muito mais recursos do que prefeitos oposicionistas - indicando que o alinhamento partidário constitui canal importante para solicitá-los. Por outro lado, esse efeito é heterogêneo entre prefeitos de partidos que integram a coalizão de governo federal. Desse modo, os resultados mostram que o alinhamento partidário entre diferentes níveis de governo importa para explicar a demanda por recursos discricionários no Brasil.

Resumen Este artículo investiga cómo gobiernos subnacionales en Brasil solicitan transferencias federales al gobierno central. A partir de microdatos sobre las solicitudes de transferencias discrecionales de los municipios brasileños al gobierno central (2009-2016) y de un diseño de regresión discontinua (RD) se demuestra que los alcaldes del partido que ocupa la presidencia requieren sustancialmente más recursos que los alcaldes opositores, lo que indica que la alineación partidaria es un canal importante para solicitarlos. Por otro lado, este efecto es heterogéneo entre los alcaldes de partidos que integran la coalición de gobierno a nivel federal. Los resultados demuestran que la alineación partidaria entre diferentes niveles de gobierno es importante para explicar la demanda de recursos discrecionales en Brasil.

Abstract This article analyzes how subnational governments request transfers from the federal government in Brazil. Using microdata on applications for discretionary transfers from the Brazilian federal government to municipalities between 2009 and 2016 and a regression discontinuity design (RDD), I show that mayors affiliated with the president's party demand substantially more resources than opposition mayors, meaning that the partisan alignment is an important channel to request transfers. On the other hand, the effect varies among mayors from other coalition parties. Thus, the results show that partisan alignment between different levels of government is a key factor in explaining the requests for discretionary resources in Brazil.

Assuntos

RESUMO

The root of modern human warfare lies in the lethal coalitionary violence of males in small-scale societies. However, there is a paucity of quantitative data concerning the form and function of coalitionary violence in this setting. Debates exist over how lethal coalitions are constituted, as well as the motivations and benefits for males to join such groups. Data from a lowland Amazonian population, the Waorani of Ecuador, illuminate three issues: (i) the degree to which raiding parties are composed of groups of fraternal kin as opposed to strategic alliances of actual or potential affinal kin; (ii) the extent to which individuals use pre-existing affinal ties to motivate others to participate in war or leverage warfare as a mechanism to create such ties; and (iii) the extent to which participation in raiding is driven by rewards associated with future marriage opportunities. Analyses demonstrate that Waorani raiding parties were composed of a mix of males who were potential affines, actual affines and fraternal kin, suggesting that men used pre-existing genetic, lineal and social kin ties for recruiting raid partners and used raiding as a venue to create novel social relationships. Furthermore, analyses demonstrate that males leveraged raiding alliances to achieve marriage opportunities for themselves as well as for their children. Overall, it appears that a complex set of motivations involving individual rewards, kin marriage opportunities, subtle coercion and the assessment of alliance strength promote violent intergroup conflict among the Waorani. These findings illustrate the complex inter-relationships among kin selection, coalition building and mating success in our species.

Assuntos

RESUMO

Abstract Policy transfer, diffusion and circulation studies are a fertile ground for innovation in public policy analysis. In a globalized world, where state boundaries are permeable and public policy travels transnationally, the diffusion of policies is what naturally connects domestic to international policy. Te recent surge of publications in the feld consolidated an important and dense body of knowledge. However, afer years of research, there now seems stasis if not stagnation, with relatively little conceptual innovation. In this article we propose to address fresh avenues for future research, considering what needs to be better understood in the policy diffusion phenomenon. Te new frontiers to be explored are not only associated to heuristic dimensions of the feld, but also to empirical dynamics that emerged in the past years. We highlight six new frontiers for policy transfer and diffusion research: (1) the role of the private sector and consultants; (2) internationalization of domestic coalitions; (3) transnational spaces and transfer agents; (4) policy translation; (5) resistance to transfer; and (6) South-South or South-North transfers.

Resumen Los estudios sobre transferencia, difusión y circulación de políticas son un campo fértil para la innovación en el campo del análisis de políticas públicas. En un mundo globalizado, donde las fronteras del Estado son permeables y la política pública transita transnacionalmente, la difusión de políticas es lo que conecta naturalmente la política nacional a la internacional. El reciente aumento de publicaciones en el campo consolidó un cuerpo de conocimiento denso y relevante. No obstante, después de años de investigación, parece que ahora hay un cierto letargo -por no decir paralización-, con relativamente poca innovación conceptual. En este artículo proponemos abordar nuevos caminos para futuras investigaciones, considerando lo que requiere una mejor comprensión sobre el fenómeno de la difusión de políticas. A nuestro parecer, las nuevas políticas por explorar no están solamente asociadas a dimensiones heurísticas del campo, sino también a dinámicas empíricas que emergieron en los últimos años. Destacamos seis nuevas fronteras para la investigación sobre la transferencia y la difusión de políticas públicas: (1) el papel del sector privado y de los consultores; (2) la internacionalización de las coaliciones nacionales; (3) los espacios transnacionales y agentes de transferencia; (4) la traducción de políticas; (5) la resistencia a la transferencia; y (6) las transferencias Sur-Sur o Sur-Norte.

Resumo Os estudos sobre transferência, difusão e circulação de políticas são um campo fértil para a inovação no campo da análise de políticas públicas. No mundo globalizado, onde as fronteiras do Estado são permeáveis e a política pública viaja transnacionalmente, a difusão de políticas é o que conecta naturalmente a política doméstica à internacional. O recente aumento de publicações no campo consolidou um corpo de conhecimento denso e importante. No entanto, após anos de pesquisa, parece que há agora uma certa estase, para não dizer uma estagnação, com relativamente pouca inovação conceitual. Neste artigo propomos abordar novos caminhos para futuras pesquisas, considerando o que precisa ser mais bem compreendido sobre o fenômeno da difusão de políticas. As novas políticas a serem exploradas não estão, em nossa opinião, somente associadas às dimensões heurísticas do campo, mas também às dinâmicas empíricas que emergiram nos últimos anos. Destacamos seis novas fronteiras para a pesquisa sobre a transferência e a difusão de políticas públicas: (1) o papel do setor privado e dos consultores; (2) a internacionalização das coalizões domésticas; (3) os espaços transnacionais e agentes de transferência; (4) a tradução de políticas; (5) a resistência à transferência; e (6) as transferências Sul-Sul ou Sul-Norte.

Assuntos

RESUMO

Collaboration with diverse partners is challenging but essential for the implementation of prevention programs and policies. Increased communication with partners from diverse sectors may help community coalitions overcome the challenges that diversity presents. We examined these issues empirically in a study of 17 substance use prevention coalitions in Mexico. Building on coalition and workgroup literatures, we hypothesized that sectoral diversity would improve outcomes but undermine coalition processes. Conversely, we expected uniformly positive effects from higher levels of intersectoral communication. Data are from a 2015 survey of 211 members within the 17 community coalitions. Regression models used sectoral diversity and intersectoral communication to predict coalition processes (cohesion, leader-member communication, efficiency) and outcomes (community support, community improvement, sustainability planning). Sectoral diversity was negatively associated with coalition processes and was not associated with coalition outcomes. Intersectoral communication was positively associated with two of the three measures of coalition outcomes but not associated with coalition processes. Our findings concur with those from prior research indicating that sectoral diversity may undermine coalition processes. However, more communication between sectors may facilitate the coalition outcomes of community support and sustainability planning. Skilled team leaders and participatory decision making may also help coalitions promote intersectoral communication, thereby engaging diverse community sectors to implement preventive interventions and actualize sustained public health impact.

Assuntos

RESUMO

During the last 2 years, the Colombian government and the Nuevos Rumbos Corporation have been implementing an adapted version of the Communities That Care (CTC) prevention system, called Comunidades Que se Cuidan (CQC) in Spanish, for use in Colombia. This brief report presents the process of implementing CQC and identifies some of the main challenges and achievements of implementing the system in eight communities in Colombia. Preliminary results of a pilot study of CQC implementation in Colombia show that prevention system development, including a focus on measuring community risk and protection, can be established successfully in Latin American communities despite a lack of rigorously tested prevention programs and strategies. Moreover, mobilizing community coalitions toward science-based prevention, with a focus on examining local risk and protective factor data, can spur development and evaluation of prevention efforts in Latin America.

RESUMO

Effective planning for community health partnerships requires understanding how initial readiness-that is, contextual factors and capacity-influences implementation of activities and programs. This study compares the context and capacity of drug and violence prevention coalitions in Mexico to those in the United States. Measures of coalition context include community problems, community leadership style, and sense of community. Measures of coalition capacity include the existence of collaborative partnerships and coalition champions. The assessment was completed by 195 members of 9 coalitions in Mexico and 139 members of 7 coalitions in the United States. Psychometric analyses indicate the measures have moderate to strong internal consistency, along with good convergent and discriminant validity in both settings. Results indicate that members of Mexican coalitions perceive substantially more serious community problems, especially with respect to education, law enforcement, and access to alcohol and drugs. Compared to respondents in the United States, Mexican respondents perceive sense of community to be weaker and that prevention efforts are not as valued by the population where the coalitions are located. The Mexican coalitions appear to be operating in a substantially more challenging environment for the prevention of violence and substance use. Their ability to manage these challenges will likely play a large role in determining whether they are successful in their prevention efforts. The context and capacity assessment is a valuable tool that coalitions can use in order to identify and address initial barriers to success.

Assuntos

RESUMO

Objetivos Los objetivos de este artículo son presentar: a. Las aplicaciones del Análisis de Redes Sociales (ARS) en el estudio de coaliciones comunitarias y redes inter-organizativas; b. Los indicadores estructurales de la red completa relacionados con su funcionamiento, y; c. Los métodos para identificar subgrupos dentro de las redes. Método Para ilustrar los procedimientos utilizaremos la visualización de grafos y datos de una investigación propia. Resultados Proponemos orientaciones metodológicas para evaluar y fortalecer coaliciones comunitarias a través de ARS. Conclusiones El análisis estructural es una potente herramienta para evaluar y optimizar el funcionamiento de coaliciones que prestan servicios socio-sanitarios, al mismo tiempo es necesario conocer el contexto específico y emplear herramientas de investigación cualitativas para contrastar la información obtenida mediante ARS.(AU)

Objectives The aim of this paper is to report: a. The main applications of Social Network Analysis (SNA) in the study of community coalitions and inter-organizational networks; b. The structural indicators of the whole network related to coalition functions, and; c. The methods to identify subgroups within networks. Method We will use graph visualization and data from our own research to illustrate the procedures under study. Results A set of methodological guidelines to evaluate and improve community coalitions through SNA are proposed. Conclusions Structural analysis is a powerful instrument to evaluate and optimize the functioning of coalitions that provides social and health services, and at the same time, it is necessary to understand the specific context of interaction and use qualitative tools to contrast the results obtained through SNA.(AU)

Assuntos

RESUMO

Some cross-cultural evidence suggests lethal coalitionary aggression in humans is the product of residence and descent rules that promote fraternal interest groups, i.e., power groups of coresident males bonded by kinship. As such, human lethal coalitions are hypothesized to be homologous to chimpanzee (Pan troglodytes) border patrols. However, humans demonstrate a unique metagroup social structure in which strategic alliances allow individuals to form coalitions transcending local community boundaries. We test predictions derived from the fraternal interest group and strategic alliance models using lethal coalition data from a lowland South American population, the Yanomamö. Yanomamö men who kill an enemy acquire a special status, termed unokai. We examine the social characteristics of co-unokais or men who jointly kill others. Analyses indicate co-unokais generally are (i) from the same population but from different villages and patrilines, (ii) close age mates, and (iii) maternal half-first cousins. Furthermore, the incident rate for co-unokai killings increases if men are similar in age, from the same population, and from different natal communities. Co-unokais who have killed more times in the past and who are more genetically related to each other have a higher probability of coresidence in adulthood. Last, a relationship exists between lethal coalition formation and marriage exchange. In this population, internal warfare unites multiple communities, and co-unokais strategically form new residential groups and marriage alliances. These results support the strategic alliance model of coalitionary aggression, demonstrate the complexities of human alliance formation, and illuminate key differences in social structure distinguishing humans from other primates.

Assuntos

RESUMO

We present the collaborative development of a web-based data collection and monitoring plan for thirty-two county councils within New Mexico's health council system. The monitoring plan, a key component in our multiyear participatory statewide evaluation process, was co-developed with the end users: representatives of the health councils. Guided by the Institute of Medicine's Community, Health Improvement Process framework, we first developed a logic model that delineated processes and intermediate systems-level outcomes in council development, planning, and community action. Through the online system, health councils reported data on intermediate outcomes, including policy changes and funds leveraged. The system captured data that were common across the health council system, yet was also flexible so that councils could report their unique accomplishments at the county level. A main benefit of the online system was that it provided the ability to assess intermediate, outcomes across the health council system. Developing the system was not without challenges, including creating processes to ensure participation across a large rural state; creating shared understanding of intermediate outcomes and indicators; and overcoming technological issues. Even through the challenges, however, the benefits of committing to using participatory processes far outweighed the challenges.

Assuntos

RESUMO

En este trabajo se describe una iniciativa de promoción de la salud en una comunidad nativa de Alaska. La etnia Yupik vive en condiciones de aislamiento en la zona occidental de Alaska y tiene dificultades de acceso a servicios públicos, además de problemas de salud relacionados con los hábitos de vida. El proyecto "Healthy Living Through a Healthy Lifestyle" se basó en la planificación estratégica de servicios de salud y en la implementación de iniciativas de promoción de la salud en un asentamiento de esta etnia. Para ello se organizó un comité compuesto por miembros de la comunidad, profesionales de los servicios y personal investigador de la universidad. Además se contó con dos mediadores comunitarios de salud para facilitar el acceso de las familias a los servicios públicos. El programa puso el acento en la adaptación cultural de sus contenidos, en la colaboración entre los investigadores y los participantes y en la implicación de la comunidad en el diseño, implementación y evaluación del programa.

In this paper, we describe a health promotion initiative in a native community in Alaska. The Yupik ethnic group lives in isolation in Western Alaska and has poor access to public services, as well as health problems related to lifestyle. The "Healthy Living Through a Healthy Lifestyle" project was based on the strategic planning of health services and on the implementation of health promotion initiatives in a settlement of this ethnic group. For this, it was organized a committee of community members, service professionals and University researchers. It included also two community health mediators to facilitate families' access to public services. The program emphasizes cultural adaptation of contents, collaboration between researchers and participants and community involvement in the design, implementation and evaluation of the program.

RESUMO

Global health education and health promotion have the potential to engage students, scholars, and practitioners in ways that go beyond the classroom teaching routine. This engagement in global communities, can range from reflection on continuing deep-seated questions about human rights and civic responsibility to the use of health education and promotion-related theoretical, intellectual, and practical skills. In the arena of global health education and promotion, these skills also range from leadership and advocacy to decision making, critical and creative thinking, teamwork, and problem solving. In recent times, there has been a growing interest in cross-cultural collaborations and educational initiatives to improve stakeholder's understanding of global health principles and practices, to enrich the experiences of health professionals, and to improve the lives of those who are disenfranchised and live across borders. In this article of Health Promotion Practice, we highlight two unique cases of cross-national collaborations and provide a glimpse of the various shapes and forms taken by cross-cultural educational initiatives for global health education and promotion. We summarize the history, philosophy, and current working practices relevant to these collaborations, keeping in view the global health domains, competencies, and activities. In addition, we also compare the key components and activities of these two case studies from Rwanda and Mexico, wherein communities in these two countries collaborated with academic institutions and health professionals in the United States.

Assuntos