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OBJECTIVES: We test whether the level of acculturation is associated with reproductive autonomy among Mexican-origin Latinas in Oregon. STUDY DESIGN: This was a cross-sectional study that used validated reproductive autonomy and language-based acculturation scales and sociodemographic information. We compared maximum reproductive autonomy score, overall and for each subscale (decision-making, freedom from coercion, and communication), by acculturation group. We developed a multivariable logistic regression model adjusted for age, education, and regular income source. RESULTS: Our sample included 434 respondents: 70.7% low, 26.7% bicultural, and 2.5% in the high acculturation group. A higher unadjusted proportion of women in the bicultural/high acculturation group than the low acculturation group had maximum reproductive autonomy scores (13.4% compared with 3.9%; p < 0.001). In adjusted analyses, women in the high/bicultural acculturation group had significantly higher odds of reporting a maximum reproductive autonomy score (adjusted odds ratio = 2.55, 95% CI: 1.08-5.98). CONCLUSIONS: Language-based acculturation was positively associated with reproductive autonomy among a community-dwelling sample of Mexican-origin Latinas in Oregon.

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OBJECTIVES: There is little evidence about how physicians become abortion clinicians or advocates. We describe the ideological trajectories of pro-choice female Mexican doctors and the factors that made them pro-choice. STUDY DESIGN: In this qualitative study, we conducted semistructured interviews with members of the Mexican Network of Female Pro-choice Physicians. Participants came from eight diverse states. We used a feminist epistemology approach and analyzed data using inductive coding as well as a priori categories (becoming pro-choice, trajectories, and training). RESULTS: We included 24 female pro-choice physicians. We identified five intersecting factors that influenced becoming pro-choice: feminism, personal experiences, confrontation with the inequalities and violence that women experience, role models, and routine exposure to abortion care. Participants described three ideological trajectories: being pro-choice before studying medicine, not having a specific opinion, and changing from "pro-life" to "pro-choice." Participants described the absence of abortion training in medical schools, stigmatizing training, and the use of alternative training sources. CONCLUSIONS: In the absence of training on abortion during medical education, a combination of intersecting personal as well as work-related experience may turn doctors into pro-choice abortion clinicians and/or advocates. The findings of this study may be used to develop comprehensive medical curricula as well as strategies directed at doctors who have never received training on abortion care, such as promoting interactions with nonmedical abortion providers, education on inequalities and violence against women, moving beyond public health to a human rights and gender perspective, and exposure to routine safe abortion care. IMPLICATIONS: Mexican female doctors become pro-choice clinicians who provide abortion care and/or advocates in spite of their medical education.

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OBJECTIVE: To describe utilization of prenatal care and outcomes of low birth weight and preterm birth among adolescent births in Mexico. METHODS: We used birth certificate data and included live births to individuals 10-24 years, 2008-2019. Our outcomes were binary measures of adequate prenatal care, low birth weight, and preterm birth. We compared adolescents (10-14 years, 15-16, and 17-19) to those 20-24 years. We included individual-, clinical-, and municipality-level variables, used multivariable logistic regression, and calculated adjusted predicted probabilities. We also tested whether receipt of prenatal care moderated the relationship of age with preterm birth and low birth weight. RESULTS: We included a total of 12 106 710 births to women 10-24 years. The adjusted predicted probability of adequate prenatal care increased with age: 56.07% (95% CI 55.82-56.31%) adjusted probability among adolescents 10-14 years compared with 65.51% (95% CI 65.48%-65.55%) among individuals 20-24 years. Receipt of adequate prenatal care in part mitigated disparities in preterm birth and low birthweight across all age groups: 7.30% (95% CI 7.17%-7.43%) adjusted probability of delivering a preterm infant among those 10-14 years who received adequate prenatal care compared with 9.37% (95% CI 9.20%-9.53%) among those 10-14 years without adequate prenatal care. CONCLUSION: In Mexico, adolescent pregnancies are associated with inadequate prenatal care as well as higher odds of preterm delivery and low birth weight. Youngest adolescents (10-14 years) have the highest probability of adverse outcomes. Adequate prenatal care may help partially mitigate disparities in poor perinatal outcomes.

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OBJECTIVE: To evaluate changes in the menstrual pattern of women of reproductive age infected with severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) or vaccinated against coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19). METHODS: A cross-sectional study at the University of Campinas, Brazil using Google questionnaire applied from December 2021 through February 2022, disseminated through snowball technique. Participants responded about characteristics of their menstrual cycle before the pandemic and before COVID-19 vaccination, and then about characteristics of their cycle 3 months after infection with SARS-CoV-2 and 3 months after vaccination. Our primary outcome was a binary indicator of changes in the menstrual cycle. We used multivariate regression analysis to identify factors associated with menstrual changes. RESULTS: We received 1012 completed questionnaires and 735 (72.7%) were from women aged between 20 and 39 years, 745 (73.6%) were White and 491 (48.6%) lived with a partner. A total of 419 (41.6%) of the women reported SARS-CoV-2 infection; however, only two of them were hospitalized, and 995 (98.8%) of women had at least one dose of COVID-19 vaccine. About menstrual characteristics, 170 (41.3%) reported changes after having COVID-19 and 294 (29.9%) after COVID-19 vaccination, respectively. Few years of schooling, lower income, and non-white ethnicity were related to higher reports of menstrual changes after COVID-19. Menstrual changes after COVID-19 vaccination were associated with not using contraception. Higher body mass index was associated with irregularities in cyclicity and bleeding days, after COVID-19 and COVID-19 vaccination, respectively. CONCLUSION: Our results corroborated the stability of the menstrual cycle after having COVID-19 or COVID-19 vaccination; however, there is a potential relationship between menstrual changes and socioeconomic factors as well as contraceptive use.

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OBJECTIVE: We describe awareness about the modified "public charge" rule among Oregon's Mexican-origin Latino/a population and whether concerns about the rule influenced disenrollment from state-funded programs, which do not fall under the public charge. METHODS: We conducted a cross-sectional survey of adults (ages 18-59) recruited at the Mexican consulate and living in the state of Oregon. Our outcomes were awareness (of the public charge, source of knowledge, and confidence in knowledge of the public charge) and disenrolling self or family members from state-funded public healthcare programs due to concerns about the rule. We described outcomes and used logistic regression and calculated adjusted probabilities to identify factors associated with awareness of the public charge. RESULTS: Of 498 Latino/a respondents, 48% reported awareness of the public charge. Among those who knew about the public charge, 14.6% had disenrolled themselves or family members from public healthcare programs and 12.1% were hesitant to seek care due to concerns about the public charge. Younger respondents had a lower adjusted probability of awareness of the public charge (18-24 years: 15.6% (95% CI 3.1-28.2); 30-39 years 54.9% (95% CI 47.7-62.0). Higher education was associated with a higher adjusted probability of awareness of the public charge; ability to speak English was not associated with awareness of the public charge. CONCLUSION: Our study reveals limited awareness about the public charge among Mexican-origin Oregon Latino/as. Outreach and advocacy are essential to ensure Latino/as know their rights to access available state-funded healthcare programs.

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OBJECTIVE: To evaluate prenatal care utilization, low birth weight, and preterm birth among women aged 35 years and older in Mexico from 2008 to 2019. METHODS: We conducted a historical cohort study of all singleton live births in Mexico from 2008 to 2019. Outcomes were inadequate prenatal care, preterm birth, and low birth weight. We compared outcomes among women aged 35-39, 40-44, and 45-49 years with births to women aged 20-34 years. We used logistic regression to account for individual, health system, and contextual confounders. RESULTS: We included a total of 19 526 922 births; 2 325 725 (11.9%) were to women aged 35 years and older. Women aged 45-49 years had the lowest levels of education, were more likely to be uninsured, and came from highly marginalized municipalities while those aged 35-39 years had the highest levels of education and insurance and came from the least marginalized municipalities. The odds of inadequate prenatal care (adjusted odds ratio [aOR] 1.12; 95% confidence interval [CI] 1.09-1.15), preterm birth (aOR 2.05; 95% CI 1.97-2.13), and low birth weight (aOR 2.03; 95% CI 1.95-2.12) were highest for women aged 45-49 years, compared with women aged 20-34 years. The odds of adverse perinatal outcomes increased progressively with age, but the odds of inadequate prenatal care (aOR 0.77; 95% CI 0.76-0.77) were lowest for women aged 35-39 years, when compared with women aged 20-34 years. CONCLUSION: Women who deliver at 35 years and over are a heterogeneous group in Mexico. Being 35 years old and older is associated with increases in preterm birth and low birth weight neonates. Women who give birth between 45 and 49 years may be especially vulnerable.

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OBJECTIVE: To examine current contraceptive use by parity among four ethnicity and nativity groups: non-Latina White women in the United States, Mexican-American women in the United States, foreign-born women of Mexican origin in the United States, and Mexican women in Mexico. METHODS: We combined nationally representative data from sexually active women, aged 15-44 years, and not seeking pregnancy from the U.S. National Survey of Family Growth and the Mexican National Survey of Demographic Dynamics. This is a secondary binational analysis. Using multivariable logistic regression, we estimated the prevalence of moderately or most effective contraceptive method use (compared with least effective or no contraceptive method) by ethnicity and nativity and tested the interaction between ethnicity and nativity and parity. RESULTS: Compared with non-Latina White women, women of Mexican origin had lower odds of using a moderately or most effective contraceptive method (adjusted odds ratio [aOR] [95% CI] Mexican-American women: 0.69 [0.54-0.87]; foreign-born women: 0.67 [0.48-0.95]; Mexican women in Mexico: 0.59 [0.40-0.87]). Among parous women, the adjusted probability of using a moderately or most effective contraceptive method was approximately 65% among all four groups. Contraceptive method use did not differ by parity among non-Latina White women. However, parous Mexican-American women were 1.5 times more likely to use moderately or most effective contraceptive methods than nulliparous Mexican-American women (adjusted probability 66.1% vs 42.7%). Parous foreign-born women were 1.8 times more likely to use most or moderately effective contraceptive methods than their nulliparous counterparts (64.5% vs 36.0%), and parous Mexican women in Mexico were three times more likely to use moderately or most effective contraceptive methods (65.2% vs 21.5%). CONCLUSION: Findings suggest that access to effective contraception is limited outside the context of childbearing for women of Mexican origin in the United States and, to an even larger extent, in Mexico.

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Background: Lack of racial and ethnic diversity in health research negatively impacts generalizability. We describe Mexican and Mexican American women's willingness to participate in health research in Oregon. Methods: We conducted a survey with Mexican-origin Latinas aged 18-49 years. Our primary outcome was willingness to participate in health research; we also asked sociodemographics and barriers and facilitators to participation. We used logistic regression to identify factors associated with willingness to participate. Results: Of 500 participants, 41% said that they would be willing to participate in health research, 14% said no, and 45% were unsure. In multivariable analyses, past participation in research and speaking English well were independently associated with willingness to participate. Barriers to participation included language, accessibility, and fear of medical procedures. Facilitators included improving future health care, language, and free medical care. Conclusions: Mexican-origin Latinas in Oregon are willing to participate in health research, but many are unsure. Providing study materials in Spanish is a concrete first step to improve recruitment and promote equity and inclusion.

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PURPOSE: Much reproductive health research on the Latina population overlooks heterogeneity by national origin, nativity, and age and also ignores how U.S.-based populations differ from those in "sending" nations. The purpose of this study is to describe a history of adolescent birth, age at first sex, and contraceptive use at first sex in the Mexican-origin population in both the United States and Mexico. METHODS: We developed a binational dataset merging two comparable nationally representative cross-sectional surveys in the United States and Mexico and used covariate balancing propensity scores to balance the age structure of our four samples: U.S.-born Latinas of Mexican origin, foreign-born Latinas of Mexican origin, U.S.-born non-Latina Whites, and Mexican women residing in Mexico. We used a negative binomial regression and calculated the predicted probability of experiencing at least one adolescent birth for each ethnicity/nativity group, stratified by 5-year age group. We also described age and contraceptive use at first sex. RESULTS: Foreign-born Latinas of Mexican origin and Mexicans in Mexico had similar adjusted probabilities of reporting an adolescent birth (30.1% and 29.9%, respectively), which were higher than those of Mexican-Americans (26.2%) and U.S.-born non-Latina Whites (11.6%). History of an adolescent birth is declining across all four groups among younger ages. Differences do not appear to be driven by the timing of first sex but by contraceptive use, which is increasing among younger age groups. DISCUSSION: Access to and use of effective contraception rather than timing of initiation of sexual activity is a key determinant of U.S. Latina and Mexican adolescent births.

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The study aimed to identify the most frequent barriers in access to abortions in both clandestine and legal clinical contexts, from the perspective of accompanying persons, namely feminist activists who accompanied women that opted for voluntary abortions with medication. We performed 14 semi-structured interviews with accompanying persons in three regions of Mexico: Baja California and Chiapas, both of which are restrictive contexts, and Mexico City, where elective abortion is legal up to 12 weeks' gestational age. We identified four categories in which the social vulnerabilities of women who elect to undergo abortion intersect, namely lack of information, persistence of stigma, influence of the legal framework, and flaws in abortion care, including in clinics for legal termination of pregnancy (in Mexico City), and poor quality of the services provided, with verbal abuse, conscientious objection, and healthcare provider complaints, and finally the antichoice groups and their strategies. In the three regions, access to abortion clinics is still a privilege reserved for women with the necessary economic, logistic, and socials resources for the procedure in these settings. The existence of a program for legal termination of pregnancy (Interrupción Legal de Embarazo) in only one entity reveals the existence of a legal and health inequality. The study's findings on accompanying persons for women undergoing abortions provide backing for the Mexican government to improve access to safe abortions for all women, especially now that the country's Supreme Court has decreed the procedure's decriminalization and its imminent nationwide legalization.

El objetivo de esta investigación fue la identificación de las barreras más recurrentes de acceso a abortos en contextos clínicos (clandestinos o legales), desde la perspectiva de acompañantes, activistas feministas que acompañan a mujeres que optaron por abortos autogestionados con medicamentos. Realizamos 14 entrevistas semiestructuradas con acompañantes en tres regiones mexicanas: Baja California y Chiapas, ambos contextos restrictivos, y la Ciudad de México, donde el aborto por voluntad es legal hasta las 12 semanas. Identificamos cuatro categorías en las cuales se entretejen las vulnerabilidades sociales de las mujeres que deciden abortar, la falta de información, persistencia de estigma, y la influencia del marco legal, los fallos en la atención del aborto, incluso en las clínicas de interrupción legal de embarazo (en la Ciudad de México), y mala calidad de los servicios prestados -maltrato, objeción de conciencia y denuncia de los proveedores de salud-, y, por último, los grupos anti-derechos y sus estrategias. En las tres regiones, el acceso a abortos clínicos sigue siendo un privilegio reservado para las mujeres que cuentan con los recursos económicos, logísticos y sociales indispensables para realizarlo en esos espacios. La existencia de un programa Interrupción Legal de Embarazo en solamente una entidad denota la existencia de una desigualdad jurídica y sanitaria. Los hallazgos de este estudio sobre mujeres acompañantes de abortos aportan elementos para que el Estado mexicano mejore el acceso a abortos seguros para todas las mujeres, sobre todo ahora que la Suprema Corte de la Justicia de la Nación decretó la despenalización, y la legalización inminente en todo el país.

O objetivo dessa pesquisa era identificar as barreiras mais recorrentes no acesso a abortos em contextos medicalizados (clandestinos ou legais), desde o ponto de vista de acompanhantes, ativistas feministas que acompanham mulheres que optaram por abortos autogeridos com medicamentos. Realizamos 14 entrevistas semiestruturadas com acompanhantes em três regiões mexicanas; Baja California e Chiapas, ambas com legislações restritivas, e Cidade de México, onde o aborto voluntário é legal até 12 semanas de gestação. Identificamos quatro categorias nas quais se mesclam as vulnerabilidades sociais das mulheres que decidem abortar, a falta de informação, a persistência de estigma, e a influência do marco legal, as falhas no atendimento para o aborto, inclusive nas clínicas de interrupção legal de gravidez (na Cidade de México), e a baixa qualidade dos serviços prestados - maus tratos, objeção de consciência e denúncia contra os profissionais de saúde -, e, por último, os grupos antiaborto e suas estratégias. Nas três regiões, o acesso a abortos medicalizados continua sendo um privilégio reservado as mulheres que dispõem dos recursos económicos, logísticos e sociais imprescindíveis para realizá-lo naqueles espaços. A presença de um programa de interrupção legal de gravidez (Interrupción Legal de Embarazo) em apenas uma entidade denota a existência de uma desigualdade jurídica e sanitária. Os resultados desse estudo sobre mulheres acompanhantes de abortos trazem elementos para que o Estado mexicano melhore o acesso a abortos seguros para todas as mulheres, sobre tudo agora que a Suprema Corte de Justiça do México decretou a descriminalização e que a legalização é iminente no país como um todo.

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OBJECTIVES: Acompañantes are activists who accompany women who have medication abortions outside of clinical settings. We describe models of accompaniment across 3 states in Mexico with diverse abortion laws, access, and acompañantes, and describe how acompañantes conceptualize the benefits and challenges of their work. STUDY DESIGN: In this exploratory, qualitative study, we conducted semi-structured interviews with 14 participants about their experiences as acompañantes, in 2 states with restrictive abortion legislation (Baja-California, Chiapas) at the time of research and Mexico City, where abortion is legal upon request in the first trimester. We used a feminist ethnography approach and analyzed data using a priori categories which included perceived benefits of and challenges of the accompaniment model. RESULTS: Participants described similar steps and general characteristics of the accompaniment process regardless of the setting, supporting the concept of an overarching definition of the holistic accompaniment model for these acompañantes. Holistic accompaniment is a horizontal model that involves trusting women, not asking for the reasons for their abortion, preventing criminalization, economic support, respecting autonomy, emotional accompaniment, and being flexible. Participants described perceived advantages, including safety, even in settings otherwise unsafe, such as where women may be stigmatized and / or criminalized. Participants described benefits of autonomous abortion compared to in-clinic medication abortion or surgical abortion, and benefits specifically related to accompaniment, such as the potential to make the abortion a positive experience. CONCLUSIONS: We describe components of a holistic accompaniment model in Mexico which has specific characteristics that may benefit women who opt for out-of-clinic abortion. IMPLICATIONS: We describe specific characteristics of a holistic accompaniment model in Mexico; this description facilitates learning across models and could be used to better understand the similarities and differences among accompaniment models, other self-managed medication abortion models, and provider-led abortion services.

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OBJECTIVE: To describe the community context of women who travel to access Mexico City's public sector abortion programme and identify factors associated with travelling from highly marginalised settings. METHODS: We used data from the Interrupción Legal de Embarazo (ILE) programme (2016-2019) and identified all abortion clients who travelled from outside Mexico City. We merged in contextual information at the municipality level and used descriptive statistics to describe ILE clients' individual characteristics and municipalities on several measures of vulnerability. We also compared municipalities that ILE clients travelled from with those where no one travelled from. We used logistic regression to identify factors associated with travelling to access ILE services from highly marginalised versus less marginalised municipalities. RESULTS: Our sample included 21 629 ILE clients who travelled to Mexico City from 491 municipalities within all 31 states outside Mexico City. The majority of clients travelled from the least marginalised (81.9%) and most populated (over 100 000 inhabitants; 91.3%) municipalities. Most (91.2%) ILE clients came from municipalities with adolescent fertility rates in the bottom three quintiles. Clients with a primary or secondary education (vs high school or more) and those from a municipality with a high adolescent fertility rate (top two quintiles) had higher odds of travelling from a highly marginalised (vs less) municipality (adjusted odds ratio (aOR) 1.46, 95% CI 1.35 to 1.58 and aOR 1.89, 95% CI 1.68 to 2.12, respectively). CONCLUSION: ILE clients travel from geographically and socioeconomically diverse communities. There is an unmet need for legal abortion across Mexico.

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OBJECTIVE: To describe subdermal implant use in Mexico over time, by state and by age. METHODS: We conducted a repeated cross-sectional study using the 2009, 2014, and 2018 waves of the National Survey of Demographic Dynamics (Encuesta Nacional de la Dinámica Demográfica [ENADID]). Our outcome was current use of contraception, by type, with a focus on the implant. We used visualizations, descriptive and bivariate statistics, and multinomial models to assess change over time, geographic patterns, method mix, and factors associated with implant use (vs intrauterine device [IUD] or other hormonal methods). RESULTS: Implant use is increasing over time in Mexico, from 1.1% of women who have ever used a method in 2009 to 4.5% in 2018 (P < 0.001); the change is greatest among adolescents (2.5% in 2009 to 12.2% in 2018; P < 0.001). Change in implant use as a fraction of modern method use was heterogeneous across Mexican states. The adjusted relative likelihood of using an implant compared with IUD was 34% higher for adolescents compared with women aged 20-29 years (relative risk ratio 1.34, 95% confidence interval 1.16-1.55, P < 0.001), controlling for other variables in the model. CONCLUSION: Use of subdermal implants is increasing over time in Mexico and is concentrated among adolescents. Implants have the potential to expand access to highly effective contraception in Mexico.

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El objetivo de esta investigación fue la identificación de las barreras más recurrentes de acceso a abortos en contextos clínicos (clandestinos o legales), desde la perspectiva de acompañantes, activistas feministas que acompañan a mujeres que optaron por abortos autogestionados con medicamentos. Realizamos 14 entrevistas semiestructuradas con acompañantes en tres regiones mexicanas: Baja California y Chiapas, ambos contextos restrictivos, y la Ciudad de México, donde el aborto por voluntad es legal hasta las 12 semanas. Identificamos cuatro categorías en las cuales se entretejen las vulnerabilidades sociales de las mujeres que deciden abortar, la falta de información, persistencia de estigma, y la influencia del marco legal, los fallos en la atención del aborto, incluso en las clínicas de interrupción legal de embarazo (en la Ciudad de México), y mala calidad de los servicios prestados -maltrato, objeción de conciencia y denuncia de los proveedores de salud-, y, por último, los grupos anti-derechos y sus estrategias. En las tres regiones, el acceso a abortos clínicos sigue siendo un privilegio reservado para las mujeres que cuentan con los recursos económicos, logísticos y sociales indispensables para realizarlo en esos espacios. La existencia de un programa Interrupción Legal de Embarazo en solamente una entidad denota la existencia de una desigualdad jurídica y sanitaria. Los hallazgos de este estudio sobre mujeres acompañantes de abortos aportan elementos para que el Estado mexicano mejore el acceso a abortos seguros para todas las mujeres, sobre todo ahora que la Suprema Corte de la Justicia de la Nación decretó la despenalización, y la legalización inminente en todo el país.

The study aimed to identify the most frequent barriers in access to abortions in both clandestine and legal clinical contexts, from the perspective of accompanying persons, namely feminist activists who accompanied women that opted for voluntary abortions with medication. We performed 14 semi-structured interviews with accompanying persons in three regions of Mexico: Baja California and Chiapas, both of which are restrictive contexts, and Mexico City, where elective abortion is legal up to 12 weeks' gestational age. We identified four categories in which the social vulnerabilities of women who elect to undergo abortion intersect, namely lack of information, persistence of stigma, influence of the legal framework, and flaws in abortion care, including in clinics for legal termination of pregnancy (in Mexico City), and poor quality of the services provided, with verbal abuse, conscientious objection, and healthcare provider complaints, and finally the antichoice groups and their strategies. In the three regions, access to abortion clinics is still a privilege reserved for women with the necessary economic, logistic, and socials resources for the procedure in these settings. The existence of a program for legal termination of pregnancy (Interrupción Legal de Embarazo) in only one entity reveals the existence of a legal and health inequality. The study's findings on accompanying persons for women undergoing abortions provide backing for the Mexican government to improve access to safe abortions for all women, especially now that the country's Supreme Court has decreed the procedure's decriminalization and its imminent nationwide legalization.

O objetivo dessa pesquisa era identificar as barreiras mais recorrentes no acesso a abortos em contextos medicalizados (clandestinos ou legais), desde o ponto de vista de acompanhantes, ativistas feministas que acompanham mulheres que optaram por abortos autogeridos com medicamentos. Realizamos 14 entrevistas semiestruturadas com acompanhantes em três regiões mexicanas; Baja California e Chiapas, ambas com legislações restritivas, e Cidade de México, onde o aborto voluntário é legal até 12 semanas de gestação. Identificamos quatro categorias nas quais se mesclam as vulnerabilidades sociais das mulheres que decidem abortar, a falta de informação, a persistência de estigma, e a influência do marco legal, as falhas no atendimento para o aborto, inclusive nas clínicas de interrupção legal de gravidez (na Cidade de México), e a baixa qualidade dos serviços prestados - maus tratos, objeção de consciência e denúncia contra os profissionais de saúde -, e, por último, os grupos antiaborto e suas estratégias. Nas três regiões, o acesso a abortos medicalizados continua sendo um privilégio reservado as mulheres que dispõem dos recursos económicos, logísticos e sociais imprescindíveis para realizá-lo naqueles espaços. A presença de um programa de interrupção legal de gravidez (Interrupción Legal de Embarazo) em apenas uma entidade denota a existência de uma desigualdade jurídica e sanitária. Os resultados desse estudo sobre mulheres acompanhantes de abortos trazem elementos para que o Estado mexicano melhore o acesso a abortos seguros para todas as mulheres, sobre tudo agora que a Suprema Corte de Justiça do México decretou a descriminalização e que a legalização é iminente no país como um todo.

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We used a nationally representative survey of 2186 Mexican Catholic parents to assess two outcomes: support for adolescent access to modern contraception and whether adolescents unaccompanied by an adult should have access to contraceptive methods. A majority (85%) of Mexican Catholic parents support adolescent access to modern contraceptive methods, but there was less support (28%) for access to contraception unaccompanied. Further, our results show strong support (92%) for sex education in schools. Parents who believe that good Catholics can use contraception had higher odds of support for adolescent access and unaccompanied access to modern contraception. Mexican Catholic parents support adolescent access to modern contraception, but support for unaccompanied access to contraception is lower. This may reflect an interest in being involved, and not necessarily opposition to contraceptive use. Measures of Catholicism that focus on behaviors may better explain opinions about adolescent access to contraception.

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INTRODUCTION: We examined parity and age among women seeking an abortion in Mexico City's public first-trimester abortion programme, Interrupcion Legal de Embarazo (ILE). We hypothesised that younger women, especially students, used abortion to prevent first births while older women used abortion to limit births. METHODS: We used clinical data from a sample of 47 462 women who had an abortion between 2007 and 2016 and classified them as nulliparous or parous according to previous births prior to the abortion. We used logistic regression to identify sociodemographic and clinical factors associated with using abortion to prevent a first birth (nulliparous) versus limiting births (parous) and calculated absolute multivariable predicted probabilities. RESULTS: Overall, 41% of abortions were in nulliparous women seeking to prevent a first birth, and 59% were in women who already had one or more children. The adjusted probability of using abortion to prevent a first birth was 80.4% (95% CI 78.3 to 82.4) for women aged 12-17 years and 54.3% (95% CI 51.6 to 57.0) for women aged 18-24 years. Adolescents (aged 12-17 years) who were employed or students had nearly 90% adjusted probability of using abortion to prevent a first birth (employed 87.8%, 95% CI 82.9 to 92.8; students 88.5%, 95% CI 82.9 to 94.1). At all ages, employed women and students had higher probabilities of using abortion to prevent a first birth compared with unemployed women and women who work in the home. CONCLUSION: Legal first-trimester abortion services in Mexico can help prevent first births in adolescents, especially students.

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STUDY OBJECTIVE: To identify factors associated with having an abortion (spontaneous or induced) at the time of first pregnancy, and to test the association between abortion in the first pregnancy and the number of live births among young women 20-24 years of age. DESIGN: Cross-sectional study. SETTING: We used a nationally representative survey of Mexican women 20-24 years of age with data at time of survey and retrospective measures of exposures in adolescence. We include 1913 women who reported ever having a pregnancy. MAIN OUTCOMES: Our outcomes were history of abortion (spontaneous or induced) and number of live births by 20-24 years of age. We used multivariable logistic regression models to estimate the association between sociodemographic factors at the time of pregnancy and abortion history, and between abortion history and number of live births. RESULTS: Among women 20-24 years of age who ever had a pregnancy, 15.5% reported an abortion in the first pregnancy, and 84.4% never had an abortion. Among women who had an abortion in the first pregnancy, 62.3% did not report any live birth by age 20-24 years. Young women living with their parents (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 1.87; confidence interval [CI] = 1.16-3.02) or with a partner with a higher educational level (AOR = 4.64; CI = 1.05-20.44) had greater odds of having an abortion in the first pregnancy. Compared with women who never had an abortion, women who reported an abortion in the first pregnancy had lower odds (AOR = 0.02; CI = 0.01-0.03) of having 1 or more children by the age of 20-24 years. CONCLUSION: Young women who reported abortion in the first pregnancy had fewer live births at ages 20-24 years compared to women with no history of abortion.

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OBJECTIVE: Identify barriers and facilitators to implementing the Group Prenatal Care model in Mexico (GPC) from the health care personnel's perspective. METHODS: We carried out a qualitative descriptive study in four clinics of the Ministry of Health in two states of Mexico (Morelos and Hidalgo) from June 2016 to August 2018. We conducted 11 semi-structured interviews with health care service providers, and we examined their perceptions and experiences during the implementation of the GPC model. We identified the barriers and facilitators for its adoption in two dimensions: a) structural (space, resources, health personnel, patient volume, community) and b) attitudinal (motivation, leadership, acceptability, address problems, work atmosphere and communication). RESULTS: The most relevant barriers reported at the structural level were the availability of physical space in health units and the work overload of health personnel. We identified the difficulty in adopting a less hierarchical relationship during the pregnant women's care at the attitudinal level. The main facilitator at the attitudinal level was the acceptability that providers had of the model. One specific finding for Mexico's implementation context was the resistance to change the doctor-patient relationship; it is difficult to abandon the prevailing hierarchical model and change to a more horizontal relationship with pregnant women. CONCLUSION: Analyzing the GPC model's implementation in Mexico, from the health care personnel's perspective, has revealed barriers and facilitators similar to the experiences in other contexts. Future efforts to adopt the model should focus on timely attention to identified barriers, especially those identified in the attitudinal dimension that can be modified by regular health care personnel training.

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CONTEXT: In Mexico, first-trimester abortion is legal in Mexico City and is available in the public and private sectors. Understanding subsequent contraceptive uptake and method mix among first-trimester abortion clients relative to that of women who deliver a live birth at a health facility could help identify where improvements in care following an obstetric event can be made across the health system. METHODS: This article uses a retrospective cohort study to compare uptake of contraception prior to discharge between abortion clients in Mexico City's public abortion program and postpartum women from urban settings. The two data sources were clinical records of 45,233 abortion clients in Mexico City and information from a population-based survey of 1,289 urban women on their immediate postpartum contraceptive adoption. The primary outcome investigated was receipt of any reversible modern contraceptive method; secondary outcomes were level of method effectiveness and method type. Logistic regression and calculated multivariable probabilities were used to control for the effects of sociodemographic factors across the two data sources. RESULTS: The adjusted probability of uptake of any reversible modern method of contraception was higher among abortion clients than among postpartum women (67% vs. 48%). However, among all women who had received a contraceptive method, abortion clients had a lower adjusted probability of having received a long-acting reversible contraceptive than did postpartum women (49% vs. 82%) and a higher probability of having received a moderately effective method (38% vs. 13%). The adjusted probability of implant uptake was higher among abortion clients than among postpartum women (9% vs. 3%), while the adjusted probability of IUD uptake was lower (38% vs. 78%). CONCLUSIONS: Women receiving abortions in Mexico City's public abortion program were more likely than urban postpartum women to receive a reversible modern contraceptive method before leaving the facility. Women should be offered the full range of contraceptive methods after any obstetric event, to help them prevent unintended pregnancy and avoid short interpregnancy intervals.

RESUMEN Contexto: En México, el aborto de primer trimestre es legal en la Ciudad de México y está disponible en los sectores público y privado. Comprender la forma en que las clientas de aborto de primer trimestre adoptan el uso de anticonceptivos y la combinación de métodos subsiguientes en comparación a como lo hacen las mujeres que dan a luz a un nacido vivo en una institución de salud, podría ayudar a identificar dónde, en el sistema de salud, se pueden realizar mejoras en la atención después de un evento obstétrico. Métodos: Este artículo utiliza un estudio de cohorte retrospectivo para comparar la adopción de anticonceptivos por parte de clientas de servicios de aborto que participan en el Programa de Interrupción Legal del Embarazo en el sector público de la Ciudad de México y las mujeres posparto de entornos urbanos, previo a ser dadas de alta de la institución de salud. Las dos fuentes de datos fueron los registros clínicos de 45,233 clientas de servicios de aborto en la Ciudad de México y la información de una encuesta poblacional aplicada a 1,289 mujeres urbanas sobre su adopción inmediata de anticonceptivos posparto. El resultado primario investigado fue la recepción de cualquier método anticonceptivo moderno reversible; los resultados secundarios fueron el nivel de efectividad del método y el tipo de método. Se utilizó regresión logística y probabilidades multivariadas calculadas para controlar los efectos de los factores sociodemográficos en las dos fuentes de datos. Resultados: La probabilidad ajustada de la adopción de cualquier método anticonceptivo moderno reversible fue mayor entre las usuarias de aborto que entre las mujeres en período posparto (67% vs. 48%). Sin embargo, en el total de mujeres que habían recibido un método anticonceptivo, las clientas de servicios de aborto tuvieron una probabilidad ajustada menor de haber recibido un anticonceptivo reversible de acción prolongada que las mujeres posparto (49% frente a 82%) y una probabilidad más alta de haber recibido un método anticonceptivo moderadamente eficaz (38% vs. 13%). La probabilidad ajustada de adopción del implante fue mayor entre las usuarias de aborto que entre las mujeres en período posparto (9% vs. 3%), mientras que la probabilidad ajustada de adopción del DIU fue menor (38% vs. 78%). Conclusiones: Las mujeres que se recibieron servicios de aborto en el Programa de Interrupción Legal del Embarazo en el sector público de la Ciudad de México tuvieron más probabilidades que las mujeres urbanas en período posparto de recibir un método anticonceptivo moderno reversible antes de ser dadas de alta de la institución de salud. A las mujeres se les debe ofrecer la gama completa de métodos anticonceptivos después de cualquier evento obstétrico, para ayudarlas a prevenir embarazos no deseados y evitar intervalos cortos entre embarazos.

RÉSUMÉ Contexte: Au Mexique, l'avortement au premier trimestre de la grossesse est légal dans la ville de Mexico et peut être obtenu dans le secteur public et privé. Comprendre l'adoption ultérieure de la contraception par les patientes de l'avortement au premier trimestre et leur éventail de méthodes, par rapport aux femmes qui accouchent d'un enfant vivant en structure sanitaire pourrait aider à identifier les possibilités d'amélioration des soins après un événement obstétrical dans l'ensemble du système de santé. Méthodes: Sur la base d'une étude de cohorte rétrospective, cet article compare l'adoption de la contraception avant la sortie de la structure de soins, entre les patientes ayant subi un avortement dans le cadre du programme public d'avortement de Mexico et les femmes post-partum en milieu urbain. Les deux sources de données considérées sont les dossiers cliniques de 45 233 patientes de l'avortement à Mexico et l'information obtenue d'une enquête en population relative à 1 289 femmes urbaines concernant leur adoption immédiate de la contraception après l'accouchement. Le résultat principal examiné était l'obtention d'une méthode contraceptive moderne réversible quelconque; les résultats secondaires étaient le niveau d'efficacité de la méthode et le type de méthode. Pour les deux sources de données, les effets de facteurs sociodémographiques ont été contrôlés par régression logistique et probabilités multivariables calculées. Résultats: La probabilité corrigée d'adoption d'une méthode de contraception moderne réversible quelconque s'est avérée supérieure parmi les patientes de l'avortement (67% contre 48% chez les femmes post-partum). Cependant, sur la totalité des femmes ayant reçu une méthode contraceptive, les patientes de l'avortement présentaient une moindre probabilité corrigée d'avoir obtenu une méthode réversible à longue durée d'action (49% contre 82% des femmes post-partum) et une plus forte probabilité d'avoir obtenu une méthode modérément efficace (38% contre 13%). La probabilité corrigée d'adoption de l'implant s'est révélée supérieure parmi les clientes de l'avortement (9% contre 3% chez les femmes post-partum), tandis que la probabilité corrigée d'adoption du DIU était plus faible (38% contre 78%). Conclusions: Les femmes qui obtiennent un avortement dans le cadre du programme public d'avortement de Mexico étaient plus susceptibles que leurs homologues post-partum urbaines de recevoir une méthode contraceptive moderne réversible avant de quitter la structure. La gamme complète de méthodes contraceptives doit être proposée aux femmes après tout événement obstétrical, pour les aider à éviter les grossesses non planifiées et les intervalles de grossesse courts.

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