RESUMEN
This article describes cases presented by experts from the legislative and medical-legal fields regarding the use of psychoactive substances among Argentinian women from 1878 to 1930. Background information is presented regarding the relationship between women and the use different drugs, medical interventions on the female body where psychoactive substances were used are analyzed, and experts' descriptions of cases of female drug users are detailed. Experts' discourses during this period did not attempt to comprehend the specificities of female consumption, but were rather used to position the issue of drug use as a social problem. This was done using three prototypes: the victim of a sick husband; the prostitute who encourages drug use among the weak in spirit (natural-born criminals); and the virtuous young woman who succumbs to drug addiction in spite of her father's rule. Each figure reinforces the need for state intervention and increased social control.
Este trabajo describe casos expuestos por expertos de los ámbitos legislativo y médico-legal periodístico, en los que se reporta el consumo de sustancias psicoactivas por parte de mujeres de Argentina, entre 1878 y 1930. Se presentan antecedentes sobre mujeres y usos de distintos fármacos, se analizan las intervenciones médicas que utilizan sustancias psicoactivas sobre el cuerpo femenino, y se detallan los casos de mujeres consumidoras desde las miradas expertas. En este periodo, los discursos expertos no buscaron comprender la especificidad femenina del consumo, sino promover el tema drogas como un problema. Esto se produce utilizando tres prototipos: la víctima de un marido enfermo, la prostituta que envicia a los débiles de espíritu (criminal nata), y la joven virtuosa que contraviene la ley del padre y sucumbe en la toxicomanía. Cada figura refuerza la necesidad de intervención estatal y control social.
Asunto(s)
Psicotrópicos/historia , Problemas Sociales/historia , Trastornos Relacionados con Sustancias/historia , Mujeres/historia , Argentina , Carga del Cuidador/historia , Víctimas de Crimen/historia , Consumidores de Drogas/historia , Femenino , Historia del Siglo XIX , Historia del Siglo XX , Cuerpo Humano , Humanos , Histeria/historia , Dependencia de Morfina/historia , Paternalismo , Fitoterapia/historia , Psicotrópicos/administración & dosificación , Trabajo Sexual/historia , Problemas Sociales/clasificación , Problemas Sociales/legislación & jurisprudencia , Trastornos Relacionados con Sustancias/clasificaciónRESUMEN
Studies into violence in the eighteenth century tend to address questions related to justice and criminality, but not health. The aim of this study is to understand how, in eighteenth century Minas Gerais, Brazil, bodies were affected by violent acts. The investigation records from the parish of Vila Rica held at the historical archive of the Museu da Inconfidência were investigated. The results showed crimes of different kinds associated with a variety of motives, primarily crimes against the body, with the resulting bodily injuries being caused by sharp or pointed objects/instruments. There were more male victims than female, the head being the principal part of the body affected. Criminal and violent acts, very commonplace in this society, interfered in the health and disease processes of the bodies.
Estudos sobre violência no século XVIII abrangem especialmente questões relacionadas à justiça e à criminalidade, mas não à saúde. A pesquisa objetivou compreender como os corpos nas Minas Gerais setecentistas eram afetados por atos violentos. Foram investigados autos de devassas do termo de Vila Rica pertencentes ao acervo do Arquivo Histórico do Museu da Inconfidência. Os resultados mostraram crimes causados por motivos distintos e de tipologias diferentes, predominando os crimes contra o corpo, com consequentes lesões corporais provocadas predominantemente por objetos/instrumentos perfurocortantes. Os homens foram os mais acometidos, sendo a cabeça a principal região atingida. Atos criminosos e violentos, muito comuns nessa sociedade, interferiam na saúde e no adoecimento dos corpos.
Asunto(s)
Víctimas de Crimen/historia , Crimen/historia , Violencia/historia , Heridas y Lesiones/historia , Brasil/epidemiología , Crimen/estadística & datos numéricos , Víctimas de Crimen/estadística & datos numéricos , Femenino , Salud/historia , Historia del Siglo XVIII , Humanos , Masculino , Violencia/estadística & datos numéricos , Heridas y Lesiones/epidemiologíaRESUMEN
Resumo Estudos sobre violência no século XVIII abrangem especialmente questões relacionadas à justiça e à criminalidade, mas não à saúde. A pesquisa objetivou compreender como os corpos nas Minas Gerais setecentistas eram afetados por atos violentos. Foram investigados autos de devassas do termo de Vila Rica pertencentes ao acervo do Arquivo Histórico do Museu da Inconfidência. Os resultados mostraram crimes causados por motivos distintos e de tipologias diferentes, predominando os crimes contra o corpo, com consequentes lesões corporais provocadas predominantemente por objetos/instrumentos perfurocortantes. Os homens foram os mais acometidos, sendo a cabeça a principal região atingida. Atos criminosos e violentos, muito comuns nessa sociedade, interferiam na saúde e no adoecimento dos corpos.
Abstract Studies into violence in the eighteenth century tend to address questions related to justice and criminality, but not health. The aim of this study is to understand how, in eighteenth century Minas Gerais, Brazil, bodies were affected by violent acts. The investigation records from the parish of Vila Rica held at the historical archive of the Museu da Inconfidência were investigated. The results showed crimes of different kinds associated with a variety of motives, primarily crimes against the body, with the resulting bodily injuries being caused by sharp or pointed objects/instruments. There were more male victims than female, the head being the principal part of the body affected. Criminal and violent acts, very commonplace in this society, interfered in the health and disease processes of the bodies.
Asunto(s)
Humanos , Masculino , Femenino , Historia del Siglo XVIII , Violencia/historia , Heridas y Lesiones/historia , Víctimas de Crimen/historia , Crimen/historia , Violencia/estadística & datos numéricos , Heridas y Lesiones/epidemiología , Brasil/epidemiología , Salud/historia , Víctimas de Crimen/estadística & datos numéricos , Crimen/estadística & datos numéricosRESUMEN
RESUMEN Este trabajo describe casos expuestos por expertos de los ámbitos legislativo y médico-legal periodístico, en los que se reporta el consumo de sustancias psicoactivas por parte de mujeres de Argentina, entre 1878 y 1930. Se presentan antecedentes sobre mujeres y usos de distintos fármacos, se analizan las intervenciones médicas que utilizan sustancias psicoactivas sobre el cuerpo femenino, y se detallan los casos de mujeres consumidoras desde las miradas expertas. En este periodo, los discursos expertos no buscaron comprender la especificidad femenina del consumo, sino promover el tema drogas como un problema. Esto se produce utilizando tres prototipos: la víctima de un marido enfermo, la prostituta que envicia a los débiles de espíritu (criminal nata), y la joven virtuosa que contraviene la ley del padre y sucumbe en la toxicomanía. Cada figura refuerza la necesidad de intervención estatal y control social.
ABSTRACT This article describes cases presented by experts from the legislative and medical-legal fields regarding the use of psychoactive substances among Argentinian women from 1878 to 1930. Background information is presented regarding the relationship between women and the use of different drugs, medical interventions on the female body where psychoactive substances were used are analyzed, and experts' descriptions of cases of female drug users are detailed. Experts' discourses during this period did not attempt to comprehend the specificities of female consumption but were rather used to position the issue of drug use as a social problem. This was done using three prototypes: the victim of a sick husband; the prostitute who encourages drug use among the weak in spirit (natural-born criminals); and the virtuous young woman who succumbs to drug addiction in spite of her father's rule. Each figure reinforces the need for state intervention and increased social control.
Asunto(s)
Humanos , Femenino , Historia del Siglo XIX , Historia del Siglo XX , Psicotrópicos/historia , Problemas Sociales/historia , Mujeres/historia , Trastornos Relacionados con Sustancias/historia , Argentina , Trabajo Sexual/historia , Psicotrópicos/administración & dosificación , Cuerpo Humano , Víctimas de Crimen/historia , Trastornos Relacionados con Sustancias/clasificación , Paternalismo , Consumidores de Drogas/historia , Carga del Cuidador/historia , Histeria/historia , Dependencia de Morfina/historiaRESUMEN
Discussion of reparations for U.S.-Guatemala STD experiments of the 1940s and 50s should be informed by a range of international and U.S. reparation experiences, so that features that impair the effectiveness of repair are avoided, and features that enhance effectiveness of repair are emulated. Two features have contributed to the effectiveness or ineffectiveness of repair elsewhere but have not been critically examined in relation to the Guatemalan experiments: Whether experimental subjects or their families have the opportunity to participate in reparations processes, and whether any group of experimental subjects is intentionally denied recognition. Three advantages of victim participation are explored, and a critique provided of one narrow delimitation of victims. Even if political and moral failings ultimately prevent reparations for Guatemalan experimental subjects, an emphasis on effectiveness and victim-centeredness should nonetheless shape reparations for other, future victims of human rights abuses in experimentation.
Asunto(s)
Compensación y Reparación , Víctimas de Crimen , Experimentación Humana/ética , Violación , Enfermedades de Transmisión Sexual/historia , Víctimas de Crimen/historia , Víctimas de Crimen/legislación & jurisprudencia , Familia , Femenino , Guatemala , Historia del Siglo XX , Experimentación Humana/historia , Derechos Humanos , Humanos , Masculino , Violación/legislación & jurisprudencia , Enfermedades de Transmisión Sexual/transmisión , Estados UnidosRESUMEN
The invention of victimization surveys is often presented as a synthesis of the two theoretical attitudes that, supposedly, dominated the 1960s debate over official crime statistics: realism and social constructionism. This paper turns this genesis story on its head. Using original archives, I argue that victimization surveys responded to organizational opportunities in the field of applied research. It was only after the fact that two of their architects seized the debate on crime measurement to broadcast their invention. In so doing they strategically recast the terms of this debate into a binary division between two antithetical social ontologies. This case is used to discuss how social scientists come to reinterpret and misunderstand their history.
Asunto(s)
Víctimas de Crimen/historia , Crimen/historia , Historia del Siglo XX , Humanos , Encuestas y CuestionariosRESUMEN
¿Es posible que poblaciones que viven en condiciones socioeconómicas precarias y en contextos violentos, puedan proveer se una seguridad diferente a la ofrecida por el Estado y por actores armados ilegales? Es la pregunta que responde este artículo, con base en la investigación realizada en Medellín, con población víctima de desplazamiento forzado de la comuna 8, que trabaja con enfoque de seguridad humana y metodología desde abajo. Analiza las políticas de seguridad del Estado, contrastándo las con las iniciativas comunitarias para enfrentar sus inseguridades mediante estrategias de acción y agendas comunitarias para proveer seguridad humana y conformarse como ciudadanos y colectivos sociales empoderados políticamente. Seña la limitaciones y potencialidades de una propuesta de seguridad aplicada por un grupo poblacional altamente vulnerado y vulnerable.
Is it possible that populations living in precarious socio-economic conditions and in violent contexts, can provide a different security from that offered by the State and illegal armed actors? It is the question that this article answers, based on a research carried out inMedellin, with victims of forced displacement of the Commune 8, which works with a focus on human security and methodology from the bottom. It analyzes the policies of the State security, contrasting them against the community initiatives in order to address their insecurities through action strategies and community agendas and thus provide human security and settle as citizens and social collectives empowered politically. It points out limitations and potentialities of a proposal of security applied by a highly violated and vulnerable population group.
Asunto(s)
Víctimas de Crimen , Víctimas de Crimen/clasificación , Víctimas de Crimen/economía , Víctimas de Crimen/educación , Víctimas de Crimen/estadística & datos numéricos , Víctimas de Crimen/historia , Víctimas de Crimen/legislación & jurisprudencia , Víctimas de Crimen/psicología , Víctimas de Crimen/rehabilitaciónRESUMEN
El presente texto segundo de dos entregas, realiza un acercamiento a lasinvestigaciones realizadas en la pasada década y a comienzos de la presente sobre los procesos de reparación, en el marco de procesos de justicia transicional en países en procesos que van de la guerra a la paz y de la dictadura a la democracia. Se revisan investigaciones que versan sobre las consecuencias de los procesos dereparación y de transición en las víctimas, en la reconstrucción del tejido social, en la generación de procesos de reconciliación y la transformación del sujeto individual y colectivo.
This current text, which is the second of two issues, carries out an approach ofinvestigations conducted in the past decade and at the beginning of the present decade on the reparation processes, within the context of transitional justice processes, in countries which are on the way to peace, and from dictatorship todemocracy. We review research dealing with the consequences of the reparationand transition processes of victims, in the reconstruction of the social fabric, inthe generation of reconciliation processes, and the transformation of the individual and collective subject.
Asunto(s)
Humanos , Víctimas de Crimen , Víctimas de Crimen/clasificación , Víctimas de Crimen/economía , Víctimas de Crimen/historia , Víctimas de Crimen/legislación & jurisprudencia , Víctimas de Crimen/psicologíaRESUMEN
No contexto da primeira condenação do Brasil por violação de direitos humanos, o "Caso Damião Ximenes", procura-se compreender suas condições de possibilidade, destacando a diversidade de versões sobre o caso e a construção social de um de seus elementos: a vítima. Uma abordagem antropológica que põe em relevo as formas sociais de classificação é adotada, e documentos midiáticos, governamentais e científicos são objeto de descrição e análise. Saberes jurídicos e médicos são mobilizados para gerar versões divergentes acerca da morte da vítima, a "apuração dos fatos" sobrepondo-se à "vistoria do corpo", gerando consenso sobre a causa da morte por maus-tratos. A classificação da vítima como uma pessoa com "deficiência", e não "transtorno mental", contribui para a condenação, a perícia tornando-se fundamental para o desfecho do caso.
In the context of Brazil's first conviction for violation of human rights, the "Damiao Ximenes Case", we seek to understand its conditions of possibility, highlighting the several versions about the case and the social construction of one of its elements: the victim. An anthropological approach that emphasizes the social forms of classification is adopted, and media, government and scientific documents are the object of description and analysis. Legal and medical knowledge are mobilized to generate different versions about the death of the victim, the "fact-finding" overriding the " body inspection ", generating consensus on the cause of death by maltreatment. The classification of the victim as a person with "disability", and not "mental disorder", contributes to the condemnation, and the expertise becomes crucial to the outcome of the case.
Asunto(s)
Humanos , Violencia , Salud Mental , Estado , Hospitales Psiquiátricos , Derechos Humanos , Trastornos Mentales , Brasil , Víctimas de Crimen/historiaRESUMEN
In this article, I argue that the practice of forced disappearance of persons on the part of paramilitary groups has become linked to specific processes of globalization. Global flows related to biopolitics, global crime networks, and dehumanizing imaginations reproduced by mass media together constitute a driving force behind forced disappearances. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork in the Colombian city of Medellín, I analyze how these global flows interact with local armed actors, helping create a climate conducive to forced disappearance. These mechanisms in Colombia show similarities to those in some African and Asian countries. Gaining insight into the mechanisms behind forced disappearance may help prevent it from occurring in the future. Enhancing social inclusion of residents, unraveling the transnational crime networks in which perpetrators are involved, and disseminating rehumanizing images of victims all contribute to curbing the practice of forced disappearance.
Asunto(s)
Víctimas de Crimen , Deshumanización , Violaciones de los Derechos Humanos , Personal Militar , Controles Informales de la Sociedad , Aislamiento Social , Colombia/etnología , Víctimas de Crimen/economía , Víctimas de Crimen/educación , Víctimas de Crimen/historia , Víctimas de Crimen/legislación & jurisprudencia , Víctimas de Crimen/psicología , Criminales/educación , Criminales/historia , Criminales/legislación & jurisprudencia , Criminales/psicología , Historia del Siglo XX , Historia del Siglo XXI , Violaciones de los Derechos Humanos/economía , Violaciones de los Derechos Humanos/etnología , Violaciones de los Derechos Humanos/historia , Violaciones de los Derechos Humanos/legislación & jurisprudencia , Violaciones de los Derechos Humanos/psicología , Personal Militar/educación , Personal Militar/historia , Personal Militar/legislación & jurisprudencia , Personal Militar/psicología , Cambio Social/historia , Controles Informales de la Sociedad/historia , Aislamiento Social/psicologíaRESUMEN
The response of youth gangs to "zero tolerance" policing in Honduras are examined with respect to territoriality. Focusing on two main gangs, the Mara Salvatrucha and the 18th Street Gang, the ways in which state authority is challenged are assessed from an analysis of body territoriality, the respatialisation of organisational structures across urban neighbourhoods, and the production of new enclosed spaces of gang territoriality. These redefinitions of group territoriality strengthen the emotional bonds and sense of belonging towards the gang, enabling the emergence of a transnational/imagined community.
Asunto(s)
Criminales , Rol Judicial , Grupo Paritario , Castigo , Identificación Social , Violencia , Crimen/economía , Crimen/etnología , Crimen/historia , Crimen/legislación & jurisprudencia , Crimen/psicología , Víctimas de Crimen/economía , Víctimas de Crimen/educación , Víctimas de Crimen/historia , Víctimas de Crimen/legislación & jurisprudencia , Víctimas de Crimen/psicología , Criminales/educación , Criminales/historia , Criminales/legislación & jurisprudencia , Criminales/psicología , Historia del Siglo XX , Historia del Siglo XXI , Honduras/etnología , Humanos , Rol Judicial/historia , Política Pública/economía , Política Pública/historia , Política Pública/legislación & jurisprudencia , Castigo/historia , Castigo/psicología , Características de la Residencia , Salud Urbana/historia , Población Urbana/historia , Violencia/economía , Violencia/etnología , Violencia/historia , Violencia/legislación & jurisprudencia , Violencia/psicología , Adulto JovenRESUMEN
Gregorio Cárdenas Hernández was Mexico's most infamous serial killer. After he confessed to killing four young women and burying them behind his home, he became the darling of the crime pages and criminological experts alike, and his case provoked a lively debate over the reinstatement of the death penalty in congress. The following essay uses his story, the policy debates it provoked, and his broader institutional odyssey in La Castañeda mental asylum (19431947) and Lecumberri prison (19481976) to explore how issues that affected Mexicans across the social spectrum were discussed and settled in a political system that was neither a dictatorship nor a democracy.
Asunto(s)
Pena de Muerte , Víctimas de Crimen , Homicidio , Opinión Pública , Política Pública , Delitos Sexuales , Pena de Muerte/historia , Pena de Muerte/legislación & jurisprudencia , Víctimas de Crimen/economía , Víctimas de Crimen/educación , Víctimas de Crimen/historia , Víctimas de Crimen/legislación & jurisprudencia , Víctimas de Crimen/psicología , Gobierno/historia , Historia del Siglo XX , Homicidio/economía , Homicidio/etnología , Homicidio/historia , Homicidio/legislación & jurisprudencia , Homicidio/psicología , Hospitales Psiquiátricos/economía , Hospitales Psiquiátricos/historia , Hospitales Psiquiátricos/legislación & jurisprudencia , Rol Judicial/historia , México/etnología , Prisiones , Opinión Pública/historia , Política Pública/economía , Política Pública/historia , Política Pública/legislación & jurisprudencia , Delitos Sexuales/economía , Delitos Sexuales/etnología , Delitos Sexuales/historia , Delitos Sexuales/legislación & jurisprudencia , Delitos Sexuales/psicologíaRESUMEN
Patio 29 lies in the northern sector of Santiago's General Cemetery. To the naked eye, it is a grim unweeded field of some twelve hundred rusted tin crosses. But to the families of the 1,197 detained-disappeared during Augusto Pinochet's brutal dictatorship, Patio 29 is both a site of horror and a site of hope. Its story begins in September-December 1973 when 320 early victims of the repression were brought there in makeshift wooden crates that held as many as three bodies each, and buried in unmarked graves. A few years later, two hundred of those graves were exhumed by the military, and the remains presumably cremated. For another decade, the mass grave remained silent, yielding few of its secrets to the families' demands to know: Where are they? Today, nineteen years into the so-called transition to democracy, Patio 29--the most important single finding in relation to Chile's detained-disappeared-still refuses to reveal the identities of those victims, pressing upon the government of Michelle Bachelet a new question: Who are they? First state terror, now state error have conspired to make Patio 29 one of Chile's principal horror-cum-hopescapes.
Asunto(s)
Víctimas de Crimen/historia , Gobierno/historia , Homicidio/historia , Justicia Social/historia , Terrorismo/historia , Revelación de la Verdad , Chile , Exhumación , Antropología Forense , Historia del Siglo XX , Humanos , Personal Militar/historia , Sistemas Políticos/historia , Violencia/historiaAsunto(s)
Crimen , Consumidores de Drogas , Drogas Ilícitas , Factores Socioeconómicos , Violencia , Crimen/economía , Crimen/etnología , Crimen/historia , Crimen/legislación & jurisprudencia , Crimen/psicología , Víctimas de Crimen/economía , Víctimas de Crimen/educación , Víctimas de Crimen/historia , Víctimas de Crimen/legislación & jurisprudencia , Víctimas de Crimen/psicología , Consumidores de Drogas/educación , Consumidores de Drogas/historia , Consumidores de Drogas/legislación & jurisprudencia , Consumidores de Drogas/psicología , Historia del Siglo XX , Historia del Siglo XXI , Drogas Ilícitas/economía , Drogas Ilícitas/historia , México/etnología , Salud Pública/economía , Salud Pública/educación , Salud Pública/historia , Salud Pública/legislación & jurisprudencia , Factores Socioeconómicos/historia , Violencia/economía , Violencia/etnología , Violencia/historia , Violencia/legislación & jurisprudencia , Violencia/psicologíaRESUMEN
The reparation of corporeal damages, consequences of intentional or no intentional violence is a part of measurement of stability and progress in the human societies interested by a dignity life for the victims. Initiated by Hammourabi Code and continued by the Jews in the Bible, the reference was (now and still its) the amputed or impaired part of body (hand, arm, leg, eye...). For every part a fare in money was indicated or a rate in percentage. The Coast brothers translate in ecus or in slaves. This code indicates the originality of a society founded on violence, the robbery and murder with introduction of cooperative if not democratic modalities of functioning. The role of Bertrand d'Ogeron, governor of the Turtle Island was very beneficent.
Asunto(s)
Compensación y Reparación/historia , Víctimas de Crimen/historia , Personas con Discapacidad/historia , Crimen/historia , Víctimas de Crimen/economía , Cirugía General/historia , Historia del Siglo XVII , Humanos , Indias OccidentalesRESUMEN
Este artigo procura defender três proposições. Primeiramente, é improvável que as Câmaras Extraordinárias nos tribunais do Camboja (conhecidas informalmente como Julgamentos do Khmer Vermelho) alcancem os principais objetivos apresentados por seus proponentes. Em segundo lugar, esse tribunal corre o risco de causar danos. Em terceiro lugar, outros processos culturalmente específicos têm uma chance maior de causar um impacto de longo prazo e satisfazer as vítimas.
This article seeks to defend three propositions. First, the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (informally known as the Khmer Rouge Trials) is unlikely to achieve any of the primary goals put forward by its proponents. Second, the Court runs the risk of doing harm. Third, it becomes apparent that other culturally-specific processes have a greater chance at making a long-term impact and satisfying victims.
Este artículo intenta defender tres propuestas. En primer lugar, es muy improbable que las Cámaras Extraordinarias de los Tribunales de Camboya (informalmente conocidas como los Juicios de los Jémeres Rojos) consigan alcanzar alguno de los objetivos fundamentales fijados por sus partidarios. En segundo lugar, la Corte corre el riesgo de hacer daño también. En tercer lugar, otros procesos de mayor especificidad cultural tendrán mayores posibilidades de influir a largo plazo y de satisfacer a las víctimas.
Asunto(s)
Humanos , Niño , Adolescente , Adulto , Derechos Humanos , Juicio Moral Retrospectivo , Víctimas de Crimen/historia , Cambodia/etnologíaRESUMEN
Entre muros e favelas se vale de histórias reais de famílias que moram em favelas do Rio de Janeiro, em específico, Caju, Borel e Mandela, para mostrar a opressão e o preconceito de que é vítima a população pobre, principalmente a favelada. É mostrado que o fenômeno das favelas, sobretudo na região sudeste brasileira, teve sua gênese nas décadas de 40 e 50, quando houve o primeiro grande fluxo migratório para essa área. Depois, durante a década de 70, houve um novo fluxo migratório, incentivado por veículos de comunicação de massa, como a Rede Globo de Televisão, a qual propagava a ideia de que o sudeste brasileiro era um paraíso. Só que essas pessoas iriam morar onde? Não havia habitação regular para elas. Aí surgiram as favelas, tão combatidas pela classe rica, mas nascidas pelo interesse dessa mesma burguesia. Os favelados que não obtinham empregos ou que não se sujeitavam a trabalhar pelo salário de fome tradicionalmente pago pela elite brasileira acabaram sendo cooptados pelo tráfico de drogas. O filme demonstra ainda que o próprio narcotráfico é também um investimento bilionário da classe dominante e que encontra no morador de favela uma mão de obra barata. O dinheiro do crime organizado está na bolsa de valores, no financiamento de campanhas eleitorais, em transações financeiras de âmbito internacional, que requerem todo um aparato técnico desconhecido daquele que a mídia corporativa apresenta ao público como sendo o grande traficante (geralmente negro, iletrado, nascido e criado nalguma comunidade carente).