RESUMEN
This paper explores patterns of communication during the COVID-19 pandemic in four countries with right-wing populist governments during that period, Brazil, Poland, Serbia and the United States, based on interviews with key actors involved in that process. We look at a number of characteristics normally associated with populist rule and political culture likely to affect pandemic communication, including polarization, cultural populism hostile to expertise, personalized rule and machismo, the performance of crisis, and illiberalism. We find that many of these characteristics can be seen in patterns of pandemic communication across the four countries, but also find significant differences in the response of populist leaders between the U.S. and Brazil, on one hand, and Poland and Serbia on the other. Differences can be linked to different varieties of populism in the four countries and specifically their commitment to libertarian or more statist approaches, which also inform disparate public health policies, as well as to different levels of entrenchment of populists in positions of power. We conclude by discussing the politicization of public health and the lessons of the COVID pandemic for emergency risk communication in the era of populism.
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COVID-19 , Comunicación , Pandemias , Política , COVID-19/epidemiología , Humanos , Brasil/epidemiología , Estados Unidos/epidemiología , Polonia , SerbiaRESUMEN
We demonstrate a transnationally situated dialogue as a method to bring ethnographic and historical research in Brazil, East Africa (Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda), India, Russia and Spain into conversation to show three cancer epistemics sites (research, detection, and care access) where the politics of cancer epistemics are at play. First, in the field of research, we show how certain ways of knowing, and certain questions about and interests in cancer, are privileged over others. Using examples from Spain and East Africa, we highlight how a shift towards microbiological and high-technology research has outpriced many more locally grounded research agendas, ignoring questions of industrial and capital accountability in cancer aetiology. Second, we look at ways of making cancer visible, how knowledge is mobilised in cancer detection and screening, where and for whom. We discuss the increased individualisation of risk which is reframing cancer surveillance and therapeutic agendas. Using examples from India, Spain and Brazil, we demonstrate how the epistemics of cancer detection generate discourses of blame and responsibility at the individual level and accentuate existing inequities whilst simultaneously absorbing patients and their families into complex networks of surveillance. Lastly, we examine how the epistemics of cancer implicate the very possibilities of accessing cancer care, shaping care pathways and possibilities for patients. With ethnographic examples from India, Russia and Brazil, we demonstrate how an orientation towards the individual shifts attention away from the commercialisation of healthcare and dominance of logics of profit in therapeutics. Throughout the paper, we point towards what is holding these cancer discourses together and grapple with how the politics of cancer epistemics are at play across the globe, even if they appear to be taking many different forms. Our approach highlights how practices are mirrored in the framing, implementation, detection and care of cancer with far-reaching effects.
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Neoplasias , Política , Humanos , España , Federación de Rusia , Brasil , India , África Oriental , Accesibilidad a los Servicios de Salud , ConocimientoRESUMEN
INTRODUCTION: In low- and middle-income countries such as Haiti, musculoskeletal injuries are the leading cause of morbidity and mortality. Untreated injuries can contribute to decreased mobility, leading to disability and reduced productivity for individuals. The accessibility of timely fracture care poses a substantial challenge in Haiti, where socioeconomic instability and recent surges in gang violence exacerbate an already strained healthcare infrastructure. This manuscript delves into the intricate barriers to sustainable fracture care in Haiti, shedding light on the sociopolitical landscape and clinical challenges that influence the delivery of orthopedic services. ETHICAL DISCUSSION: The ethical considerations in providing fracture care in Haiti are multifaceted, including classic medical principles, self-preservation in the face of violence, issues of justice in resource and service allocation, and concerns of nonmaleficence in the context of international volunteers. These ethical dilemmas arise from the complex interplay of limited resources, the dangers posed by the current sociopolitical climate, and the involvement of international aid in a vulnerable healthcare system. CONCLUSION: To address the clinical and ethical conflicts of providing fracture care in Haiti, solutions include education and training of Haitian orthopedic surgeons, capacity building of healthcare facilities, and establishing ethical standards for international volunteers. This comprehensive approach is vital for advancing sustainable fracture care in Haiti and other resource-limited settings.
Asunto(s)
Fracturas Óseas , Haití , Humanos , Fracturas Óseas/terapia , Accesibilidad a los Servicios de Salud/ética , Política , Atención a la Salud/éticaRESUMEN
This article aims to systematize and analyze, from a historical perspective, the discussions that permeated the topic of indigenous health in interface with the demography of these populations, based on the political dimension that the quantification of indigenous peoples assumed during the military dictatorship in Brazil. Covering an extensive period that extends from the establishment of the Indian Protection Service in 1910 until the end of the 1980s, this article offers a comprehensive view of the topic. The analysis focuses primarily on the 1970s, highlighting the actors involved in this debate: indigenous leaders, indigenists, academics, health professionals, and missionaries.
Este artigo tem por objetivo sistematizar e analisar em perspectiva histórica as discussões que permearam o tema da saúde indígena em interface com a demografia dessas populações, partindo da dimensão política que a quantificação dos povos indígenas assumiu durante a ditadura militar no Brasil. Abrangendo um extenso período que se estende do estabelecimento do Serviço de Proteção aos Índios em 1910 até o fim dos anos 1980, busca-se oferecer uma visão ampliada sobre o tema. O foco da análise recai especialmente nos anos 1970, destacando os atores envolvidos neste debate: lideranças indígenas, indigenistas, acadêmicos, profissionais de saúde e missionários.
Asunto(s)
Servicios de Salud del Indígena , Brasil , Humanos , Servicios de Salud del Indígena/organización & administración , Historia del Siglo XX , Demografía , Indígenas Sudamericanos , Pueblos Indígenas/estadística & datos numéricos , Personal Militar/estadística & datos numéricos , PolíticaRESUMEN
The contours of the collective action necessary to limit climate change remain difficult to discern. In this context, societal corporatist political processes, fueled by crisis narratives, have shown some promise as political devices for mobilizing people. Corporatist processes have, historically, brought political competitors like employers and labor unions together to negotiate compacts that have advanced collective goods during times of crisis. In response to the climate crisis in the Global South, affluent donor groups, state officials, some farmers, and indigenous peoples have begun to assemble corporatist-like coalitions to pursue climate stabilization. A comparative case study of efforts to promote sustainable cattle ranching through the spread of silvopastoral landscapes in Colombia and Ecuador illustrates this political dynamic, its shortcomings, and its accomplishments.
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Cambio Climático , Animales , Bovinos , Colombia , Ecuador , Crianza de Animales Domésticos/métodos , Política , Conservación de los Recursos Naturales/métodos , HumanosRESUMEN
The Venezuelan State does not provide adequate antiretroviral therapy (ART) for the population living with HIV, resulting in pharmaceutical scarcity, involuntary treatment pauses, and adherence failures. Such a situation may result in the development of resistance to certain ART drugs, meaning that Venezuelans with HIV may have their treatment options reduced for the remainder of their lives. It can take a number of years for a person to acquire late-stage HIV/AIDS and for death to occur, and so I focus on the microbiological death of CD4 cells over time - a concept I call 'microthanatopolitics'. In this paper I argue that the microthanatopolitics of ART scarcity deprives those living with HIV of future treatment options, encourages resistance to ART drugs, and ultimately may contribute towards ill health long after treatment availability changes in Venezuela. To explore this in depth, the paper draws upon 6 interviews with Venezuelan HIV activists in Venezuela (2024), supported by 40 testimonies from Venezuelan migrants living with HIV in Colombia (2021-2024), with and without known ART resistance. It will be concluded that not only is this an issue for those currently living in Venezuela, but also for migrants and the global HIV response who will suffer from the promotion and circulation of ART-resistant viral strains in the long run. This microthanatopolitics is influenced by both the current Venezuela political system as well as humanitarian aid from the Global North; an important consideration of coloniality in post-colonial Latin America.
Asunto(s)
Infecciones por VIH , Cumplimiento de la Medicación , Humanos , Venezuela , Infecciones por VIH/tratamiento farmacológico , Cumplimiento de la Medicación/estadística & datos numéricos , Fármacos Anti-VIH/uso terapéutico , Política , Antirretrovirales/uso terapéutico , Masculino , Femenino , Investigación Cualitativa , Adulto , Farmacorresistencia ViralRESUMEN
INTRODUCTION: Primary health care is a key element in the structuring and coordination of health systems, contributing to overall coverage and performance. PHC financing is therefore central in this context, with variations in sufficiency and regularity depending on the "political dimension" of health systems. Research that systematically examines the political factors and arrangements influencing PHC financing is justified from a global and multidisciplinary perspective. The scoping review proposed here aims to systematically map the evidence on this topic in the current literature, identifying groups, institutions, priorities and gaps in the research. METHODS AND ANALYSIS: A scoping review will be conducted following the method proposed by Arksey and O'Malley to answer the following question: What is known from the literature about political factors and arrangements and their influence on and repercussions for primary health care financing and resource allocation models? The review will include peer-reviewed papers in Portuguese, English or Spanish published between 1978 and 2023. Searches will be performed of the following databases: Medline (PubMed), Embase, BVS Salud, Web of Science, Scopus and Science Direct. The review will follow the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses extension for Scoping Reviews checklist. Inclusion and exclusion criteria will be used for literature screening and mapping. Screening and data charting will be conducted by a team of four reviewers. REGISTRATION: This protocol is registered on the Open Science Framework (OSF) platform, available at https://doi.org/10.17605/OSF.IO/Q9W3P.
Asunto(s)
Financiación de la Atención de la Salud , Política , Atención Primaria de Salud , Asignación de Recursos , Atención Primaria de Salud/economía , Humanos , Asignación de Recursos/economía , Literatura de Revisión como AsuntoRESUMEN
BACKGROUND: In Haiti, patient's adherence to treatment and compliance with medical appointments are very challenging due to different local factors. We aimed to assess the effectiveness of a reminder system implemented in health facilities in Haiti in a context of socio-political crisis. METHODS: We used appointment data from patients aged 15 years and older between January 2021 and November 2023 from four healthcare centers in the Port-au-Prince metropolitan area. We performed descriptive analysis, crossing covariates with appointment attendance. We performed Pearson's Chi-squared test, and multivariate regression analysis using a mixed-effect logistic regression model in order to explore the association between sending reminders and appointment attendance, with and without adjustment for other patient-level covariates. RESULTS: A total of 14 108 appointments were registered on the reminder systems, with 2 479 (17.6%) attendances. Among those to whom reminders were sent, the number of attendances was 167 (17.4%) for email recipients only, 199 (36.7%) for SMS recipients only, and 19 (42.2%) for both SMS and email recipients - versus 2 094 (16.7%) for non-reminders. After adjusting on all other covariates, we found that patients to whom a reminder was sent via email (aOR: 1.45; CI: 1.08, 1.94), SMS (aOR: 2.95; CI: 2.41, 3.60), and both SMS and email (aOR: 2.86, CI: 1.37, 5.96) were more likely to show up on their appointment day compared to those who did not receive any reminder. Other socio-demographic factors such as being 50 years and older (aOR: 1.31; CI: 1.10, 1.56) compared to under 30 years, living as couple (aOR: 1.23; CI: 1.10, 1.37), and not having children (aOR: 1.21; CI: 1.07, 1.37) were significantly associated with appointment attendance. CONCLUSIONS: Our study suggests that patient reminder systems may be used to reduce non-attendance in Haiti, even in a context of socio-political crisis.
Asunto(s)
Citas y Horarios , Sistemas Recordatorios , Humanos , Haití , Masculino , Femenino , Adulto , Persona de Mediana Edad , Adolescente , Cooperación del Paciente/estadística & datos numéricos , Adulto Joven , Política , AncianoRESUMEN
In this study, we analyzed associations between vaccination knowledge, vaccination intention, political ideology, and belief in conspiracy theories before and during the 2020 Sars-Cov-2 pandemic in the Brazilian population. It was conducted a longitudinal study into three data collections. Participants responded to the Flexible Inventory of Conspiracy Suspicions (FICS), questionnaires measuring their knowledge, and opinion about vaccines, and sociodemographic data. The results were: the greater the belief in conspiracy theories about vaccines, the lesser the intention to get vaccinated, the vaccine knowledge, and the attitudes towards vaccine investment. Religious, prone to right-wing politics, parents, and older people scored more for FICS than atheists/agnostics, and younger people. From 2019 to 2020 the vaccination intention and vaccination investment did not differ, showing that people did not change their opinion about vaccines regardless of personal experience or the pandemic scenario. The research strengthened the relevance of health education as a milestone for public health and protection from dangerous conspiracy theories.
Asunto(s)
COVID-19 , Conocimientos, Actitudes y Práctica en Salud , Intención , Política , Vacunación , Humanos , Estudios Longitudinales , Vacunación/psicología , Vacunación/estadística & datos numéricos , Masculino , Femenino , Brasil , COVID-19/prevención & control , Adulto , Persona de Mediana Edad , Encuestas y Cuestionarios , Adulto Joven , Vacunas contra la COVID-19/administración & dosificación , Adolescente , Anciano , Educación en Salud , Vacunas/administración & dosificaciónRESUMEN
RESUMONas últimas quatro décadas e meia, a história da pandemia de HIV passou por várias fases que podem ser pensadas como ondas distintas em termos da resposta social e política que a pandemia gerou. Ao longo dessa história, houve batalhas importantes sobre os significados e interpretações que a resposta à pandemia produziu. Mas, especialmente na última década, parece haver uma crescente desconexão entre as alegações de sucesso feitas por muitas agências globais de saúde e formuladores de políticas e a realidade empírica que essas alegações encobrem. Este comentário argumenta que a 'ampliação' ('scale-up') da resposta à pandemia essencialmente chegou ao fim e enfatiza a importância de um debate político mais honesto sobre o estado atual da resposta global ao HIV. Argumenta que, a fim de melhor definir os rumos que tal resposta deve tomar no futuro, exige que pensemos criticamente sobre as formas como essa resposta se desenvolveu historicamente, que reconheçamos os avanços significativos alcançados nas últimas décadas, mas também que reconheçamos a encruzilhada a que chegou em meados da década de 2020.
Asunto(s)
Síndrome de Inmunodeficiencia Adquirida , Salud Global , Política de Salud , Humanos , Síndrome de Inmunodeficiencia Adquirida/epidemiología , Síndrome de Inmunodeficiencia Adquirida/prevención & control , Pandemias , Epidemias , Política , Infecciones por VIH/epidemiología , Infecciones por VIH/prevención & controlRESUMEN
This Viewpoint discusses stigma and health consequences associated with migration in the context of the US election and identifies ways to develop structural competencies for physicians and future research.
Asunto(s)
Emigración e Inmigración , Política , Estigma Social , Humanos , Emigrantes e Inmigrantes/legislación & jurisprudencia , Emigración e Inmigración/legislación & jurisprudencia , Estados Unidos , MéxicoRESUMEN
We reconstruct the life path of the Argentine nurse and popular activist Irma Carrica, understood as a political-professional experience tied to her social networks and marked by conflicts and contradictions inherent to her historical context. From this analytical perspective and considering the precautions suggested by the biographical method of social sciences, we delve into the political and health debates of the 1960s and 1970s, particularly concerning disputes over the meaning of "community" in the health field. Specifically, we focus on the contributions of a collective historical actor - heterogeneous and plural, yet identifiable in its various forms - that we have termed the Peronist Left in health. By analyzing their professional and intellectual networks, we emphasize the role played by Irma Carrica as a representative of this Peronist Left in health, in constructing alternative dynamics for community health approaches, which challenged the dominant epistemological and pedagogical paradigms.
Reconstruimos la trayectoria de vida de la enfermera y militante popular argentina Irma Carrica, entendida como una experiencia político-profesional ligada a sus redes de sociabilidad y atravesada por conflictos y contradicciones inherentes a su contexto histórico. Desde ese recorte analítico y teniendo en cuenta los recaudos sugeridos por el método biográfico de las ciencias sociales, nos adentramos en los debates político-sanitarios de las décadas de 1960 y 1970, principalmente en lo relativo a las disputas por el sentido de la "comunidad" en el campo de la salud. En particular, nos enfocamos en las contribuciones de un actor histórico colectivo heterogéneo y plural, pero identificable en sus distintas modulaciones que hemos denominado izquierda peronista en salud. Al analizar sus redes profesionales e intelectuales, hicimos hincapié en el rol que desempeñó Irma Carrica como referente de esa izquierda peronista en salud, a la hora de construir dinámicas alternativas para el abordaje comunitario en salud, que pusieron en tela de juicio los paradigmas epistemológicos y pedagógicos dominantes.
Asunto(s)
Política , Argentina , Historia del Siglo XX , Humanos , Historia de la EnfermeríaRESUMEN
Anvisa's public consultation (PC) is the most widely used social participation mechanism in current health regulations, which was based on antagonistic movements: the democratization of decision-making and State counter-reformation. Starting from the concept of social participation, defined as various actions from society related to public decision-making, which values diversity and the exercise of citizenship, the present article discusses the possibility of PCs configuring a democratic regulation process by considering popular beliefs and colloquial evidence, and promoting the creation of hybrid evidence in an evidence-moderated model. Despite the different interests, the PCs open the door to opportunities for democratic deliberation by society in the search of understanding, where it is expected that the State will make the best decision and justify it. In this sense, the role of evidence in clarifying complex issues is defined as a space where dissent, believed to democratize society, is important in revealing the limits of scientific evidence in an environment of information asymmetry. Finally, this article aims to refute technocracy as an instrument of power in health regulations, thereby achieving the greatest democratic potential of Anvisa's regulations.
A consulta pública (CP) da Anvisa é o mecanismo de participação social mais usado na regulamentação, consolidada com base em movimentos antagônicos: democratização da tomada de decisão e contrarreforma do Estado. Diante do conceito de participação social como várias ações relacionadas à decisão pública com valorização da diversidade e como exercício da cidadania, o artigo discute a possibilidade de as CPs configurarem um processo de regulamentação democrático ao considerar saberes populares e evidências coloquiais, além de promover a criação de evidências híbridas em um modelo moderado de evidências. Apesar dos diferentes interesses, as CPs abrem oportunidades para deliberação democrática da sociedade na busca do entendimento, onde se espera que o Estado escolha a melhor decisão e a justifique. Dessa forma, delimita-se o papel das evidências a esclarecer questões complexas em um espaço em que o dissenso, visto como caminho para a democratização da sociedade, é importante para revelar as limitações das evidências científicas em um ambiente de assimetria de informações. Por fim, espera-se refutar a tecnocracia como instrumento de poder na regulação sanitária e assim alcançar o maior potencial democrático da regulamentação da Anvisa.
Asunto(s)
Toma de Decisiones , Democracia , Participación Social , Humanos , Brasil , Política de Salud , PolíticaRESUMEN
Ensuring democracy in establishing Global Health (GH) requires including health perspectives and actions of what is conventionally called "local". Edging closer to the references of the Meeting of Knowledges to those of Coloniality, we address the implementation of Solidary Greengrocers by the initiative of small-scale fishermen in the South of Bahia, Brazil, in facing socioeconomic and health issues related to the COVID-19 pandemic. The triangulation of methods characterized the fieldwork based on ethnography, action research, and partnership with local stakeholders in analyzing the material. The search for simultaneous health, socioeconomic, environmental, and educational effects allowed for overcoming the risks in GH actions such as humanitarianism, controlism, neoliberalism, and colonialism. The initiative was managed by the political organization of the residents of the reserve, who raised and managed State and civil society resources with autonomy and solidarity, combining traditional knowledge with institutional and technological knowledge of the territory. So-called local experiences contain a complete vision of the world that should not be submitted to a totalizing category. Global Health can benefit from considering the several worlds underlying its object.
Garantir a democracia na constituição do campo da Saúde Global (SG) requer a inclusão de perspectivas e ações sanitárias do que se convencionou chamar de "local". Aproximando os referenciais do Encontro de Saberes ao de Colonialidade, abordamos a implementação de Quitandas Solidárias por iniciativa de pescadores artesanais, no sul da Bahia, no enfrentamento de questões socioeconômicas e de saúde ligadas à pandemia de COVID-19. A triangulação de métodos caracterizou os trabalhos de campo, baseados na etnografia, pesquisa-ação e parceria com agentes locais na análise do material. A busca de efeitos simultaneamente sanitários, socioeconômicos, ambientais e educativos possibilitou relativa superação dos riscos presentes nas ações de SG como os de humanitarismo, controlismo, neoliberalismo e colonialismo. A iniciativa foi gerida pela organização política dos moradores da reserva, que captaram e manejaram recursos do Estado e da sociedade civil com autonomia e solidariedade, aliando os saberes tradicionais aos conhecimentos institucionais e tecnológicos do território. As experiências ditas locais contêm uma visão completa de mundo que não devem ser submetidas a uma categoria totalizante. A Saúde Global pode se beneficiar da consideração dos diversos mundos que constituem o seu objeto.
Asunto(s)
COVID-19 , Democracia , Salud Global , Política , Humanos , COVID-19/epidemiología , COVID-19/prevención & control , Brasil , Factores SocioeconómicosRESUMEN
This essay aims to present the concept of dissonant bodies and give visibility to these bodies in the field of public health from anti-colonial and queer perspectives. These bodies are often considered dissidents. Their existence is considered abject, disposable, and marginalized by neoliberal and necropolitical society. It is presented as another possibility in the face of the logic and political strategies of hegemonic reproduction of capital-life and health policies. It debates tensions of new possibilities and alternatives of other modes of existence and inclusive worlds, in which all lives are considered, in their singularities and differences, radically equal in the validation of their ways of living.
O objetivo deste ensaio é apresentar o conceito de corpos diz-sonantes e dar visibilidade a esses corpos no campo da saúde coletiva, a partir de perspectivas anti-coloniais e queers. São corpos muitas vezes considerados dissidentes, cujas existências consideradas abjetas, descartáveis e marginalizadas, pela sociedade neoliberal e necropolítica são apresentadas como outras possibilidades frente às lógicas e estratégias políticas de reprodução hegemônica da vida-capital e nas políticas de saúde. Debate tensionamentos de novas possibilidades e alternativas de modos outros de existências e de mundos inclusivos, em que todas as vidas sejam consideradas, em suas singularidades e diferenças, radicalmente iguais na validação dos seus modos de viver.
Asunto(s)
Salud Pública , Humanos , Política de Salud , PolíticaRESUMEN
From a hermeneutic interpretation, this article analyzed the new psychic pandemic configuring a typology of psychopolitical man, provided by digital swarms and mass psychology, that, from logotherapy, can be perceived as a postmodern collective neurosis. We also analyze a self's hyper-reflection as a social phenomenon of psychopolitics, suffering as repression, and the love of narcissistic consumption. Consolidating a sense of life as a social ethos is the answer to finding compromises and responsibility for the individual mission that every human being has as a member of a community and society.En este ensayo se abordó la nueva pandemia psíquica desde una interpretación hermenéutica. Esta pandemia configura una tipología de persona psicopolítica, dada por enjambres digitales y una psicología de masas que, desde la logoterapia, se puede percibir como neurosis colectivas postmodernas. También se puede analizar como fenómenos sociales de la psicopolítica. Esta es una hiperreflexión del propio yo, el sufrimiento como represión y el amor de consumo narcisista. El consolidar un sentido de vida como ethos social, es la respuesta para hallar compromisos y responsabilidad ante la misión personal que tiene cada ser humano como miembro de una comunidad y sociedad.
Asunto(s)
Política , Humanos , COVID-19 , NarcisismoRESUMEN
BACKGROUND: The aim of this study was to document how Mexico adopted a WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC)-based national tobacco control law. METHODS: We analyzed publicly available documents and interviewed 14 key stakeholders. We applied the Multiple Streams Framework (MSF) to analyze these findings. RESULTS: Previous attempts to approve comprehensive FCTC-based initiatives failed due to a lack of political will, the tobacco industry's close connections to policymakers, and a lack of health advocacy coordination. Applying the MSF reveals increased attention towards collecting and sharing data to frame the severity of the problem (problem stream). The expansion of a coordinated health advocacy coalition and activities led to increased support for desired FCTC policy solutions (policy stream). The election of President López Obrador and legislative changes led to a deep renewed focus on tobacco control (politics stream). These three streams converged to create a policy window to secure a strong FCTC-based initiative on the political agenda that was ultimately passed. CONCLUSIONS: The Mexican experience illustrates the importance of continued health advocacy and political will in adopting FCTC-based policies. Other countries should follow Mexico's lead by collecting and sharing data through coordinating efforts in order to be prepared to seize political opportunity windows when strong political will is present.
Asunto(s)
Política de Salud , Organización Mundial de la Salud , México , Humanos , Política de Salud/legislación & jurisprudencia , Política , Industria del Tabaco/legislación & jurisprudencia , Prevención del Hábito de Fumar/legislación & jurisprudencia , Control del TabacoRESUMEN
Stigmatisation processes constitute key barriers to effectively addressing the HIV pandemic. In this article, we provide a critical overview of this field's current state of the art, highlighting some key emerging issues that merit greater research attention in the future to ensure that contemporary research on stigmatisation and resistance processes continues to engage with changing social and political circumstances. We look at how resistance to stigma has developed in the context of HIV and highlight some of the most important programmatic strategies that have emerged over the history of the pandemic. We present the key concepts of 'moral panics' and 'necropolitics', and we articulate them in relation to new global phenomena that deepen the processes of stigmatisation. Moreover, we identify an agenda for investigation which merits greater attention in future research, intervention, and advocacy: 1) changing political environments, neoliberalism, growing political polarisation, and the rise of political extremism; 2) the rise of the information age, technological change, and social media; and 3) rebuilding civil society and governmental responses to stigma.
Asunto(s)
Infecciones por VIH , Política , Estigma Social , Humanos , EstereotipoRESUMEN
We aim to conduct a comparative analysis of the implementation of PHC in nine South American countries. Three dimensions were highlighted from documentary sources: political commitment, leadership, and governance; care model; and engagement of communities and other stakeholders. The results indicate a formal commitment that places PHC at the center of efforts to achieve universal access. The following can be observed: revitalization processes in public subsystems, based on guaranteeing preventive, promotional, curative and rehabilitation actions; PHC as gatekeeper; emphasis on family and community; assigned population and territory; multidisciplinary teams; and, in some cases, the accent on interculturality expressed in the concept of "buen vivir" (good living). The PHC revitalization processes were affected by political changes. Between progress and setbacks, the segmentation of coverage was not overcome. The current moment seeks to recover more inclusive and broad public policies in the context of the return of the progressive and democratic fields. The dissemination of country experiences can contribute to the development of a comprehensive, integrated, and quality approach to PHC in the Region.
El objetivo es realizar un análisis comparativo de la implementación de la APS en nueve países de Suramérica. A partir de fuentes documentales fueron destacadas tres dimensiones: compromiso político, liderazgo y gobernanza; modelo de atención; involucramiento de comunidades y otros actores. Los resultados indican la existencia de compromiso formal que localiza la APS en el centro de los esfuerzos para lograr el acceso universal. Se observan procesos de revitalización en los subsistemas públicos, basados en la garantía de acciones preventivas, promocionales, de cura y rehabilitación; puerta de entrada; enfoque familiar y comunitario; población y territorio adscriptos; equipos multiprofesionales, y, en algunos casos, énfasis en la interculturalidad expresada en la concepción de "buen vivir". Los procesos de revitalización de la APS fueron afectados por cambios políticos. Entre avances y retrocesos, no se logró superar la segmentación de cobertura. El momento actual es de rescate de políticas públicas más inclusivas y amplias, en el contexto de recomposición de los campos progresistas y democráticos. Difundir experiencias de los países puede contribuir para el desarrollo de un enfoque de APS integral, integrada y de calidad en la Región.
Asunto(s)
Política de Salud , Atención Primaria de Salud , Política Pública , Atención Primaria de Salud/organización & administración , Humanos , América del Sur , Liderazgo , Política , Accesibilidad a los Servicios de Salud , Atención a la Salud/organización & administraciónRESUMEN
The article analyzes the fight against COVID-19 in three Latin American countries: Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico. A multiple case study was carried out in a comparative perspective, based on a bibliographic review, documentary analysis, and secondary data, considering characteristics of the countries and the health system, evolution of COVID-19, national governance, containment and mitigation measures, health systems response, constraints, positive aspects and limits of responses. The three countries had distinct health systems but were marked by insufficient funding and inequalities when hit by the pandemic and recorded high-COVID-19 mortality. Structural, institutional, and political factors influenced national responses. In Argentina, national leadership and intergovernmental political agreements favored the initial adoption of centralized control measures, which were not sustained. In Brazil, there were limits in national coordination and leadership related to the President's denialism and federative, political, and expert conflicts, despite a universal health system with intergovernmental commissions and participatory councils, which were little used during the pandemic. In Mexico, structural difficulties were associated with the Federal Government's initial reluctance to adopt restrictive measures, limits on testing, and relative slowness in immunization. In conclusion, facing health emergencies requires strengthening public health systems associated with federative, intersectoral, and civil society coordination mechanisms and effective global solidarity mechanisms.