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Not much is known about the demography of the native population of Venezuela in Colonial times. Until mid-17th century, some factual information may be gained from the narratives of the first conquistadores, missionaries and colonists, as well as of authors writing in later times of the Colony, but with access to original sources. After mid-17th century, some quantitative information of demographic relevance was collected by the Jesuit, Capuchin and Franciscan missionaries and, in the last decades of the 18th century, by the colonial administration and the religious authorities. The native population declined, from between 200,000 and 500,000 inhabitants at contact (guesstimates of modern authors) to perhaps 120,000 in 1800, according to Humboldt's estimate. It is possible that the initial decline became steeper after the first smallpox pandemic of the 1580s and continued, at a slower pace, until the Independence. As in other regions of South America, marriage was early and almost universal, and the high ratio of births to deaths seems to indicate a high potential for growth, interrupted by frequent mortality crisis. A competing cause of the decline of the natives was the process of mestizaje that intensified with the increase of the population of European and African origin.

Pouco se sabe sobre a demografia da população nativa da Venezuela dos tempos coloniais. Até meados do século XVII, algumas informações factuais podem ser obtidas por meio das narrativas dos primeiros conquistadores, missionários e colonizadores, assim como de autores 221 Bacci, M.L. Venezuela's melting pot: 1500-1800 R. bras. Est. Pop., Belo Horizonte, v.34, n.2, p.199-221, maio/ago. 2017 do final do período colonial com acesso a fontes de documentos originais. Até meados do século XVII, alguma informação quantitativa foi coletada pelos missionários jesuítas, capuchinos e franciscanos e, na última década do século XVII, pela administração colonial e pelas autoridades religiosas. A população nativa, que era de 200.000 a 500.000 habitantes (estimativas de autores modernos), diminuiu para talvez 120.000 em 1800, de acordo com a estimativa de Hambold. É possível que o declínio inicial tenha se tornado mais acentuado após a primeira pandemia de varíola de 1580 e tenha continuado, em um ritmo mais lento, até a Independência. Como em outras regiões da América Latina, os casamentos eram precoces e quase universais, e a elevada taxa de nascimentos sobre mortes parece indicar um alto potencial de crescimento, interrompido pelas frequentes crises de mortalidade. Uma causa competitiva para o declínio da população nativa foi o processo de mestiçagem intensificado com o aumento da população de origem europeia e africana.

Nuestro conocimiento sobre la demografia de la población autoctóna de Venezuela durante la Colonia es limitado. Hasta la mitad del siglo XVII, las narraciones de los primeros conquistadores, de los misioneros y de los funcionarios ofrecen algunas escasa información y lo mismo puede decirse de algunos autores que escribieron en tiempos posteriores con acceso a fuentes originales. Después de la mitad del siglo XVII, la información de tipo cuantitativo se debe a los misioneros capuchinos, jesuitas y franciscanos, y, en las últimas décadas del siglo XVIII, a la administración de la Colonia y a la Iglesia. Algunos autores contemporáneos estiman la población autóctona al contacto entre 200.000 y 500.000 habitantes, que se redujo a 120.000 en 1800, según las evaluaciones de Humboldt. Es posibe que el declive inicial se haya accelerado por causa de la primera pandemia de viruela en la década de 1580, y que haya continuado a un ritmo más lento hasta la independencia. Como en otras poblaciones de América del Sur, los nativos de Venezuela se casaban muy temprano, y muy pocos permanecían solteros, además de que la razón muy alta entre nacimientos y defunciones indica un potencial de crecimiento demográfico muy elevado, interrumpido por frecuentes crisis de mortalidad. Una concausa del declive demográfico de la población autóctona fue seguramente el proceso de mestizaje, muy acelerado como consecuencia del crecimiento de las poblaciones de origen europeo y africano.

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The first part of this work was published in the previous issue of this magazine. In order to finalize with the historical review of infectious diseases which have been determining factors on regional infant mortality, we analyze firstly the case of religious missions and its impact on the rapid extinction of Patagonian Indians. Secondly, we review the health situation of Punta Arenas during the first half of the 20th century, switching from a high mortality rate from infectious or contagious diseases, to a remarkable improvement in this issue, coming to bear the best health indicators in the country.

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This article examines the reception of the early modern hospital among the indigenous people of the Andes under Spanish colonial rule. During the period covered by this study (sixteenth to mid-eighteenth centuries), the hospital was conceived primarily as a manifestation of the sovereign's paternalistic concern for his subjects' spiritual well being. Hospitals in the Spanish American colonies were organised along racial lines, and those catering to Indians were meant to complement the missionary endeavour. Besides establishing hospitals in the main urban centres, Spanish colonial legislation instituted hospitals for Indians in provincial towns and in small rural jurisdictions throughout the Peruvian viceroyalty. Indian hospitals often met with the suspicion and even hostility of their supposed beneficiaries, especially indigenous rulers. By conceptualising the Indian hospital as a tool of colonial government, this article investigates the reasons behind its negative reception, the work of adaptation that allowed a few of them to thrive, and the eventual failure of most of these institutions.

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By analyzing the content and network of production of a map from 1751, created by the circular mission of the Jesuits in Chiloé (an archipelago located off the southern coast of Chile), that contains birth, death and population data, this article discusses the role that health statistics play historically, philosophically, technically and sociologically. In doing so, the article seeks to comprehend the genesis of a process of production of data and references in order to debate what health statistics are composed of, what ends they are used for, what their connection is to the formation of collectives and the differential conditions of possibility that exist for producing statistics. We attempt to develop hypotheses that demonstrate statistics as a hybrid articulation between diverse elements, epistemological, biopolitical, historical and philosophical in nature, with facets at once religious and demographic, ontological and ethnic, scientific and governmental.

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A partir de un análisis del contenido y la red productora de un mapa de 1751, elaborado por la misión circular de los jesuitas en Chiloé (archipiélago ubicado en la costa austral chilena), que contiene cifras de nacimientos, defunciones y habitantes, este artículo discute el rol de las estadísticas de salud, en diferentes registros: históricos, filosóficos, técnicos y sociológicos. De este modo, se busca comprender la génesis de un proceso de producción de cifras y referencias, para debatir de qué están hechas las estadísticas de salud, qué roles cumplen, sus vínculos con la construcción de colectivos y las condiciones de posibilidad de producciones diferentes. Tratamos de ensayar algunas hipótesis que muestran las estadísticas como articulación híbrida de elementos de índole muy diversa: epistemológicos, biopolíticos, históricos y filosóficos, reconociendo en ellos facetas religiosas y demográficas, ontológicas y étnicas, científicas y de gobierno.

By analyzing the content and network of production of a map from 1751, created by the circular mission of the Jesuits in Chiloé (an archipelago located off the southern coast of Chile), that contains birth, death and population data, this article discusses the role that health statistics play historically, philosophically, technically and sociologically. In doing so, the article seeks to comprehend the genesis of a process of production of data and references in order to debate what health statistics are composed of, what ends they are used for, what their connection is to the formation of collectives and the differential conditions of possibility that exist for producing statistics. We attempt to develop hypotheses that demonstrate statistics as a hybrid articulation between diverse elements, epistemological, biopolitical, historical and philosophical in nature, with facets at once religious and demographic, ontological and ethnic, scientific and governmental.

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A partir de un análisis del contenido y la red productora de un mapa de 1751, elaborado por la misión circular de los jesuitas en Chiloé (archipiélago ubicado en la costa austral chilena), que contiene cifras de nacimientos, defunciones y habitantes, este artículo discute el rol de las estadísticas de salud, en diferentes registros: históricos, filosóficos, técnicos y sociológicos. De este modo, se busca comprender la génesis de un proceso de producción de cifras y referencias, para debatir de qué están hechas las estadísticas de salud, qué roles cumplen, sus vínculos con la construcción de colectivos y las condiciones de posibilidad de producciones diferentes. Tratamos de ensayar algunas hipótesis que muestran las estadísticas como articulación híbrida de elementos de índole muy diversa: epistemológicos, biopolíticos, históricos y filosóficos, reconociendo en ellos facetas religiosas y demográficas, ontológicas y étnicas, científicas y de gobierno.(AU)

By analyzing the content and network of production of a map from 1751, created by the circular mission of the Jesuits in Chiloé (an archipelago located off the southern coast of Chile), that contains birth, death and population data, this article discusses the role that health statistics play historically, philosophically, technically and sociologically. In doing so, the article seeks to comprehend the genesis of a process of production of data and references in order to debate what health statistics are composed of, what ends they are used for, what their connection is to the formation of collectives and the differential conditions of possibility that exist for producing statistics. We attempt to develop hypotheses that demonstrate statistics as a hybrid articulation between diverse elements, epistemological, biopolitical, historical and philosophical in nature, with facets at once religious and demographic, ontological and ethnic, scientific and governmental.(AU)

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By analyzing the content and network of production of a map from 1751, created by the circular mission of the Jesuits in Chiloé (an archipelago located off the southern coast of Chile), that contains birth, death and population data, this article discusses the role that health statistics play historically, philosophically, technically and sociologically. In doing so, the article seeks to comprehend the genesis of a process of production of data and references in order to debate what health statistics are composed of, what ends they are used for, what their connection is to the formation of collectives and the differential conditions of possibility that exist for producing statistics. We attempt to develop hypotheses that demonstrate statistics as a hybrid articulation between diverse elements, epistemological, biopolitical, historical and philosophical in nature, with facets at once religious and demographic, ontological and ethnic, scientific and governmental.

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Este artigo analisa alguns aspectos do Tesouro descoberto no rio Amazonas, obra composta pelo padre João Daniel (1722-1776), missionário jesuíta no Estado do Maranhão e Grão-Pará entre 1741 e 1757, desterrado para Lisboa dois anos antes do banimento da Companhia de Jesus da América portuguesa. A obra, registro singular da Amazônia de meados do século XVIII, oferece um compêndio das riquezas e potencialidades da região. Sobretudo, apresenta um projeto para a colonização crítico ao modelo então em vigor e que se apresenta como um conjunto integrado que considera as condições ambientais, a técnica e as relações sociais na organização da sociedade local. Ao colocar no centro de seu projeto a questão do trabalho, João Daniel recupera, como metáfora, a idéia - marcante na literatura missionária do século XVII e praticamente abandonada no século XVIII - da Amazônia como paraíso terrestre.

The article analyzes certain aspects of "Tesouro descoberto no rio Amazonas" (Treasure discovered on the Amazon River), written by João Daniel (1722-76) during his time in the State of Maranhão e Grão-Pará as a Jesuit missionary between 1741 and 1757; the priest was banished to Lisbon two years before the Company of Jesus was expelled from Portuguese America. This unique record of the mid-eighteenth-century Amazon is a compendium on the region's wealth and potential. Most importantly, it put forward a colonization project that was critical of the model then in place; the new proposal was an integrated whole which took environmental conditions, technology, and social relations into account in the organization of local society. In centering his project on the issue of labor, João Daniel revives, as a metaphor, the idea of the Amazon as an earthly paradise-a notion that had characterized seventeenth-century missionary literature but was practically abandoned in the eighteenth century.

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Albert Schweitzer, the great missionary physician from the XXth century, had a versatile personality that integrated multiple talents, leading to the slightly frequent conjunction of the thinker with the man of action, and the humanist with the scientist and the artist. He studied all these disciplines in a brilliant manner: Philosophy, Theology, Music and Medicine; he was also a great scholar of Bach's work, Jesus Christ and the civilization history. In his maturity, this great man renounced to the fame and glory gained as intellectual and musician, to dedicate his life as a physician for the forgotten African natives. His deeply religious spirit allowed him to penetrate into the most recondite of the human soul; in his personality, he expressed in its entire dimension the eternally unsatisfied desire of the solitary man, against the immensity of the universe. His philosophy, based on the respect for life, was realized throughout the practice of the medical profession. His noble character and personality was based on the man as symbol, since it was not so much what he did helping people but what people could do to others due to him. His singular example represented a moral force in the world, superior to millions of men armed for a war. In 1953, he received the Nobel Peace Prize for his philanthropic work in Africa during more that fifty years, and for his deep love to the living beings. He was transformed in a perennial legend as the Lambaréné doctor.

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Albert Schweitzer, el gran médico-misionero del siglo XX, poseía una personalidad versátil integrada en múltiples talentos, lo cual produjo la conjunción poco frecuente del pensador con el hombre de acción y del humanista con el científico y el artista. Estudió diferentes disciplinas y en todas fue brillante: Filosofía, Teología, Música y Medicina; además, fue un gran erudito sobre la obra de Bach, de Jesucristo y de la historia de la civilización. Este gran hombre renunció, en su madurez, a la fama y a la gloria que había logrado como intelectual y músico para consagrar como médico su vida a los nativos olvidados de África. Su espíritu, profundamente religioso, le permitió penetrar en lo más recóndito del alma humana; su personalidad expresó en su más amplia dimensión, el deseo eternamente insatisfecho del hombre solitario frente a la inmensidad del universo. Desarrolló su filosofía, basada en el respeto por la vida, a través del noble ejercicio de la medicina. Su grandeza radicó en el hombre como símbolo ya que no fue tanto lo que él hizo en favor de los demás sino lo que los demás pudieron hacer gracias a él. Su singular ejemplo representó una fuerza moral en el mundo, mayor que la de millones de hombres armados para la guerra. En 1953 recibió el Premio Nóbel de la Paz por su obra filantrópica en África durante más de cincuenta años y por su amor profundo hacia todos los seres vivos; se transformó en una leyenda perenne como el médico de Lambaréné.

Albert Schweitzer, the great missionary physician from the XXth century, had a versatile personality that integrated multiple talents, leading to the slightly frequent conjunction of the thinker with the man of action, and the humanist with the scientist and the artist. He studied all these disciplines in a brilliant manner: Philosophy, Theology, Music and Medicine; he was also a great scholar of Bach's work, Jesus Christ and the civilization history. In his maturity, this great man renounced to the fame and glory gained as intellectual and musician, to dedicate his life as a physician for the forgotten African natives. His deeply religious spirit allowed him to penetrate into the most recondite of the human soul; in his personality, he expressed in its entire dimension the eternally unsatisfied desire of the solitary man, against the immensity of the universe. His philosophy, based on the respect for life, was realized throughout the practice of the medical profession. His noble character and personality was based on the man as symbol, since it was not so much what he did helping people but what people could do to others due to him. His singular example represented a moral force in the world, superior to millions of men armed for a war. In 1953, he received the Nobel Peace Prize for his philanthropic work in Africa during more that fifty years, and for his deep love to the living beings. He was transformed in a perennial legend as the Lambaréné doctor.

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The article analyzes certain aspects of "Tesouro descoberto no rio Amazonas" (Treasure discovered on the Amazon River), written by João Daniel (1722-76) during his time in the State of Maranhão e Grão-Pará as a Jesuit missionary between 1741 and 1757; the priest was banished to Lisbon two years before the Company of Jesus was expelled from Portuguese America. This unique record of the mid-eighteenth-century Amazon is a compendium on the region's wealth and potential. Most importantly, it put forward a colonization project that was critical of the model then in place; the new proposal was an integrated whole which took environmental conditions, technology, and social relations into account in the organization of local society. In centering his project on the issue of labor, João Daniel revives, as a metaphor, the idea of the Amazon as an earthly paradise-a notion that had characterized seventeenth-century missionary literature but was practically abandoned in the eighteenth century.

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O tema deste artigo é o impacto das concepções cristãs ocidentais acerca da doença e da morte sobre a sensibilidade indígena guarani e sua tradução, em termos de representações e práticas sociais, nas reduções jesuítico-guaranis circunscritas à Província Jesuítica do Paraguai, no século XVII. A investigação baseia-se em uma releitura das Cartas Anuas da Província Jesuítica do Paraguai, referentes ao período de 1609 a 1675. Busca-se verificar como as demonstrações próprias da sensibilidade guarani foram, ao longo do período analisado, apropriadas pelo discurso jesuítico, como resultado do processo de conversão ao cristianismo, e também avaliar as transformações observáveis na sensibilidade guarani em decorrência da nova realidade reducional.

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The article investigates the impact of Western Christian concepts of disease and death on indigenous Guarani sensibility and their translation into social representations and practices in the Jesuit-Guarani missions of Paraguay's Jesuit Province during the seventeenth century. This research is based on a re-reading of the Cartas Anuas da Província Jesuítica do Paraguai, which encompass the 1609-75 period. The study seeks to ascertain how expressions of Guarani sensibility were appropriated by Jesuit discourse as part of the process of conversion to Christianity. It also accesses observable changes in Guarani sensibility as a result of this new mission reality.

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Deriving funding from missionary sources in Ireland, Britain and the USA, and from international leprosy relief organizations such as the British Empire Leprosy Relief Association (BELRA) and drawing on developing capacities in international public health under the auspices of WHO and UNICEF through the 1950s, the Roman Catholic Mission Ogoja Leprosy Scheme applied international expertise at a local level with ever-increasing success and coverage. This paper supplements the presentation of a successful leprosy control program in missionary narratives with an appreciation of how international medical politics shaped the parameters of success and the development of therapeutic understanding in the late colonial period in Nigeria.

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The early history of the Mission to Lepers in India is an interplay between politics, religion, and medicine in the context of British imperialism. The Mission pursued the dual but inseparable goals of evangelization and civilization, advancing not only a religious program but also a political and cultural one. These activities and their consequences were multi-faceted because while the missionaries pursued their religious calling, they also provided medical care to people and in places that the colonial government was unable or unwilling. Within the context of the British imperial program, the work imparted Western social and cultural ideals on the colonial populations they served, inculcated patients with Christian beliefs, and provided medical care to individuals who had been expelled from their own communities. Physical healing was intimately tied to religious salvation, spiritual healing, and the civilizing process.

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This article elaborates a significant archival acquisition that supplement the collection documents related to the life and work of Stanley George Browne held at the Wellcome Library for the History and Understanding of Medicine in London, specifically his work in the Belgian Congo (from 1936 to 1959), at Uzuakoli in Nigeria (1959 to 1966), in London with the Leprosy Study Centre (1966-1980), and also in his international capacity as leprosy consultant. It also briefly refers to an endangered collection of documents, photographs, files and correspondence held in a small museum in Culion Sanatorium, The Philippines. This research is part of the International Leprosy Association Global Project on the History of Leprosy. Its results can be accessed at the site http://www.leprosyhistory.org

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