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The relationship history of evolutionary anthropology and genetics is complex. At best, genetics is a beautifully integrative part of the discipline. Yet this integration has also been fraught, with punctuated, disruptive challenges to dogma, periodic reluctance by some members of the field to embrace results from analyses of genetic data, and occasional over-assertions of genetic definitiveness by geneticists. At worst, evolutionary genetics has been a tool for reinforcing racism and colonialism. While a number of genetics/genomics papers have disproportionately impacted evolutionary anthropology, here we highlight the 2002 presentation of an elegantly powerful approach for identifying "signatures" of past positive selection from haplotype-based patterns of genetic variation. Together with technological advances in genotyping methods, this article transformed our field by facilitating genome-wide "scans" for signatures of past positive selection in human populations. This approach helped researchers test longstanding evolutionary anthropology hypotheses while simultaneously providing opportunities to develop entirely new ones. Genome-wide scans for signatures of positive selection have since been conducted in diverse worldwide populations, with striking findings of local adaptation and convergent evolution. Yet there are ethical considerations with respect to the ubiquity of these studies and the cross-application of the genome-wide scan approach to existing datasets, which we also discuss.

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OBJECTIVES: The issues addressed in this article are those related to the bioethical actions and decisions surrounding the excavation of the New York African Burial Ground (NYABG) in the 1990s, the significance of conducting research on historical African/African American remains, and the eminence of protecting newly discovered African American burial sites in the future for research purposes. MATERIALS AND METHODS: Skeletal (n = 419, at the time of excavation) and soil (n = 92) remains of the 17th and 18th century New York African Burial Ground were used to discuss the necessity of research on historical African/African American remains. DISCUSSION: Studying the remains of enslaved Africans is critical to understanding the biological processes and existence of all people. Researching the NYABG site, the oldest and largest burial site of free and enslaved Africans, illuminates the necessity and significance of scientific research on other historical African/African American cemeteries throughout the nation. The results of future research will provide a more profound sense of identity for a group of people who were forcefully severed from their genetic and cultural origins. This research will increase the representation of African descended people in genomic, anthropological, and cultural research, and ultimately help researchers to learn more about the origins of all humans.

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The use of genetic information for anthropological purposes requires an effort by the researcher to deal with the ethical issues that may arise. In some cases, these can lead to rather complex relationships between anthropologists and communities. The transparency of the research protocol is a fundamental requirement in order to establish a relationship based on trust and to conduct investigations in the most ethically sustainable way. In addition, researchers must take into consideration further aspects regarding the indigenous conceptions of corporeity, memory and history. Knowledge of these characteristics can help in the interpretation of results produced by the geneticists, and constitute a series of social, political and cultural responses. By involving the communities being investigated and engaging in a frequent and fruitful dialogue with their members will make it possible for anthropologists to learn more and also provide useful answers for the populations themselves.

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This article explores the processes through which Australian recipients select unknown donors for use in assisted reproductive technologies and speculates on how those processes may affect the future life of the donor-conceived person. I will suggest that trust is an integral part of the exchange between donors, recipients, and gamete agencies in donor conception and heavily informs concepts of relatedness, race, ethnicity, kinship, class, and visibility. The decision to be transparent (or not) about a child's genetic parentage affects recipient parents' choices of donor, about who is allowed to "know" children's genetic backgrounds, and how important it is to be able to "pass" as an unassisted conception. In this way, recipients must trust the process, institutions, and individuals involved in their treatment, as well as place trust in the future they imagine for their child. The current market for donor gametes reproduces normative conceptions of the nuclear family, kinship, and relatedness by facilitating "matching" donors to recipients by phenotype and cultural affinities. Recipient parents who choose not to prioritize "matching," and actively disclose the process of children's conceptions, may embark on a project of queering heteronormative family structures and place great trust in both their own children and changing social attitudes to reduce stigma and generate acceptance for non-traditional families.

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The project's aim is to verify the existence of Herero and Nama skulls among the roughly 1370 skulls in the Alexander Ecker collection (AEC). Methods include historical research, which was mainly concerned with the AEC and especially Eugen Fischer during his time as curator, as well as the methods of acquisition of human remains and scientific methods to verify the identity of the relevant skulls. Scientific methods include morphological sex and age-at-death verification, morphological estimation of ancestry, morphometric analysis and the application of UV light to decipher old labels on the skull surfaces, as well as a molecular biology approach (mtDNA) and stable isotope analyses. Out of 19 preselected skulls, 14 revealed a significant probability for a Herero/Nama ancestry, although identification of specific skulls according to the historical documentation was not possible.

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Human bones and biological remains conserved in anthropological, medical, and archaeological collections are foci of ethical debate, as recently illustrated by the affair of Charles Byrne's bones. In the near future, curators will have to choose between global conservation of all (or almost all) anthropological collections and systematic restitution to their original communities or families. Various proposals and examples of restitution and nonrestitution are given (with justifications) in order to support the concept that the body (especially the dead body) is not property. We propose that the only element supporting arguments in favor of restitution could be the name of the individual, highlighting the importance of all identification processes for such "artifacts." This is undoubtedly a universal value: naming the dead, identifying and then burying the person, i.e., reversing the progression along the timeline from individual to scientific specimen. Such elements could be of great interest to all universities and medical institutions that keep human remains in their collections for educational or historical purposes when they are confronted with ethical problems and/or repatriation requests.

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The parallel evolution of lifestyles and medicine calls into question the objectives of the therapeutical relationship. Leading-edge technology, the allotransplant radically questions what curing means: is it about becoming oneself again or another person? This paper studies this dilemma from three standpoints. First, in an aesthetics perspective, the transplant surgery refers to an implicit definition of what is an acceptable body, which introduces a tension between vascular supply, immunology and beauty. How far can we favour one or the other? Secondly, in a religious perspective, transplant contributes to the mimetic desire: how can we regulate this desire in a society that increasingly values the body? Finally, from a philosophical standpoint, allotransplant questions my personal relationship with my body: beyond its technological requirements, we have to determine, in the public and private spheres, if individuals have or are bodies. What responsibility does medicine assume, as an institution and a community of agents, in this anthropological choice?

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Philosophic anthropology, as a philosophic study of human beings, has as objective to create unity around men, from all the disciplines, and constitutes the way of teaching ethics. "being a person" is something unique of human beings. It recognizes a special dignity and a dialogic character where men is only an "I" facing a "you" (Buber, 1981). Given extreme situations humans have faced, men has been recognized as unitary a priori, his knowledge cannot be defined in an analytic way with out destroying it.

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Anthropologists were quick to recognize the potential of new techniques in molecular biology to provide additional lines of evidence on questions long investigated in anthropology, as well as those questions that, while always of interest, could not have been addressed by more traditional techniques. The earliest ancient DNA studies, both within anthropology and in other fields, lacked rigorous hypothesis testing. However, more recently the true value of ancient DNA studies is being realized, and methods are being applied to a wide variety of anthropological questions. We review the most common methods and applications to date, and describe promising avenues of future research. We find that ancient DNA analyses have a valuable place in the array of anthropological techniques, but argue that such studies must not be undertaken merely to demonstrate that surviving DNA is present in organic remains, and that no such work should be performed before a careful consideration of the possible ethical ramifications of the research is undertaken.

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Physical anthropology consists of two interdependent types of study: (1) the biological history of man and (2) general biological processes in man (such as mechanisms of evolution and growth). Popular interest may focus on the former, the fascinating story of the origin of man and of specific people, but the latter affords physical anthropology potential practical value in respect to medicine, dentistry, public health, and population policy. The study of general processes is the study of human beings in particular situations, not for what we can learn about these particular populations but for the sake of generalization about mankind anywhere in comparable situations. This is, of course, the purpose of experimental science in general, but in anthropology the method is usually comparative. Long ago the study of the growth of the two sexes and of children in different countries was started on a comparative basis as was the study of the so-called secular change in adult stature. By 1911 Franz Boas had compared the changes in stature and head form of children of several different immigrant groups in the United States. There have since been comparative studies of the amount and distribution of body fat (but not yet adequate comparative measurements of the relation of tissue components to diet and to diseases). Demographic patterns, inbreeding, outbreeding, and their effects are other general problems. The Human Adaptability Project of the International Biological Program promises studies of human response to heat, cold, altitude, and other conditions on a wide international basis. If supported, these could turn physical anthropology's search in a useful direction. The functional biology of people of even out-of-the-way communities will be compared with each other. These studies can yield general statements concerning human response to types of ecological situation including such sociocultural conditions as those of hunting-gathering tribes and urban slums.

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