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BACKGROUND: The effectiveness of crisis response can be influenced by various structural, cultural, and functional aspects within a social system. This study uses a configurational approach to identify combinations of sociopolitical conditions that lead to a high case fatality rate (CFR) of COVID-19 in OECD countries. METHODS: A Fuzzy set qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) is conducted on a sample of 38 OECD countries. The outcome to be explained is high COVID-19 CFR. The five potentially causal conditions are level of democracy, state capacity, trust in government, health expenditure per capita, and the median age of population. A comprehensive QCA robustness test protocol is applied, which includes sensitivity ranges, fit-oriented robustness, and case-oriented robustness tests. RESULTS: None of the causal conditions in both the presence and negation form were found to be necessary for high or low levels of COVID-19 CFR. Two different combinations of sociopolitical conditions were usually sufficient for the occurrence of a high CFR of COVID-19 in OECD countries. Low state capacity and low trust in government are part of both recipes. The entire solution formula covers 84 percent of the outcome.  Some countries have been identified as contradictory cases. The explanations for their COVID-19 CFR require more in-depth case studies. CONCLUSIONS: From a governance perspective, the weakness of government in effectively implementing policies, and the citizens' lack of confidence in their government, combined with other structural conditions, serve as barriers to mounting an effective response to COVID-19. These findings can support the idea that the effects of social determinants of COVID-19 outcomes are interconnected and reinforcing.

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Resumo O Ministério Público (MP) brasileiro é conhecido por sua autonomia e seus baixos níveis de accountability. No entanto, a literatura ainda não explorou a diversidade entre os Ministério Públicos estaduais (MPEs), isto é, não considera a dimensão territorial em suas análises e como as diferentes dinâmicas políticas locais podem influenciar nos diferentes níveis de autonomia e capacidade dessas organizações. Dessa forma, o artigo tem por objetivo compreender em que medida os MPEs diferem em termos de autonomia e capacidade. Para tanto, foram utilizados métodos mistos de análise, além da construção de um indicador de autonomia financeira e capacidade. Observaram-se grande diversidade e enorme desigualdade entre os MPs. Ademais, foi possível notar como essas diferenças são reflexo da dimensão territorial, inclusive no que diz respeito às dinâmicas políticas locais.

Resumen El Ministerio Público brasileño es conocido por su autonomía y sus bajos niveles de rendición de cuentas. Sin embargo, la literatura aún no ha explorado la diversidad entre los ministerios públicos estatales, es decir, no considera la dimensión territorial en sus análisis y cómo las diferentes dinámicas políticas locales pueden influir en los diferentes niveles de autonomía y capacidad de estas organizaciones. Por lo tanto, el artículo tiene como objetivo comprender en qué medida difieen los ministerios públicos estatales en términos de autonomía y capacidad. Para ello, se utilizaron métodos mixtos de análisis, además de la construcción de un indicador de autonomía financiera y capacidad. Se observó una gran diversidad y una enorme desigualdad entre los ministerios públicos. Además, fue posible notar como estas diferencias son reflejo de la dimensión territorial, incluso en lo que respecta a las dinámicas políticas locales.

Abstract The Brazilian Public Prosecutor's Office is known for its autonomy and low levels of accountability. However, the literature has yet to explore the diversity among the Public Prosecutor's Offices in Brazilian states, neglecting the territorial dimension in analyses and how different local political dynamics influence these organizations' autonomy and capacity. Thus, this article aims to understand to what extent the Public Prosecutor's Offices in Brazilian states differ in terms of their financial autonomy and capacity. The study employed mixed methods of analysis and proposes an autonomy and capacity indicator. The results unveiled significant diversity and considerable inequality among the offices. Furthermore, it was possible to observe how these differences reflect the territorial dimension and local political dynamics.

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Public administration implements government policies through prudent administrative practices and state capacity. Based on Asia's political and administrative proficiency and paradox, this study explores the administrative state capacity determinants-bureaucratic quality (BQ) and military in politics (MP)-and their interaction with sustainable public health quality (PHQ) in Asia from 2006 to 2020. With its focus on the scenario and Asian state administrative issues, Goal 04: Health and Well-being of Sustainable Development Goals has been the core aspect of state capacity and sustainable development. Applying the generalized method of moments (GMM) econometric estimation, the study finds that the high risk of poor BQ due to political pressures and policy inconsistency has significantly and negatively impacted PHQ in Asia. In contrast, by overtaking the administration, a high degree of MP and military dominancy has been a progressive force for PHQ in Asia. The interaction of BQ and MP negatively affects the state's social development due to conflict of interest and shredding policy outcomes. This is the first study that deals with the nexus between sustainable development and administrative state capacity determinants of Asia's public sector. The paper finds that an effective and prudent administrative collaboration and expertise-sharing between the bureaucracy and the military accelerates sustainable healthcare in Asia. Furthermore, the study believes that a healthy institutional collaboration will help overcome the development loopholes in Asia, promote PHQ, and accelerate regional development.

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CONTEXT: During the COVID-19 pandemic, governments varied in their implementation of social distancing rules. Some governments were able to target their social distancing requirements toward specific segments of the population, whereas others had to resort to more indiscriminate applications. This article will argue that state capacity crucially affected the manner in which social distancing rules were applied. METHODS: Using data from the Oxford COVID-19 Government Response Tracker, the author performed a series of ordered logistic regressions to examine whether state capacity increased the likelihood of more targeted applications of each social distancing rule. FINDINGS: Given the same level of infectivity, more capable states were indeed more likely to resort to targeted applications of each social distancing restriction. Interestingly, the size of state capacity's effect varied by the type of restriction. State capacity had a stronger influence on face-covering requirements and private-gathering restrictions than it had on school closures, workplace closures, and stay-at-home orders. CONCLUSIONS: The way in which social distancing rules are applied is endogenous to state capacity. Effective governance is a precursor to more targeted and nuanced applications of social distancing rules.

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Resumo A descontinuidade do cuidado e as ações no território na atenção primária à saúde em períodos de pandemia podem resultar em um aumento de complicações agudas, crônicas e mortalidade. Nesse sentido, este artigo tem como objetivo apresentar as barreiras e os facilitadores para a continuidade do cuidado e as ações no território durante a pandemia da COVID-19 em municípios do estado de São Paulo. Trata-se de uma análise qualitativa de 37 entrevistas com gestores e profissionais da saúde de seis municípios. Foram identificados dois fatores facilitadores: a existência de um serviço específico para o atendimento de demandas respiratórias relacionadas à COVID-19 e a integração dos profissionais da equipe de saúde antes da pandemia. Evidenciaram-se duas barreiras: frágil estrutura de atenção primária à saúde antes da pandemia e a falta de alinhamento das ações dos profissionais de saúde ao modelo de atendimento comunitário e territorial. Concluiu-se que os municípios que já tinham uma APS estruturada antes da pandemia tiveram menos dificuldade para manter a continuidade do cuidado e as ações no território.

Abstract The discontinuity of care and actions in the territory in primary health care during pandemic periods can escalate acute and chronic complications and mortality. In this sense, this article aims to present the barriers and facilitators for care continuity and actions in the territory during the COVID-19 pandemic in São Paulo municipalities. This qualitative analysis was conducted through 37 interviews with health managers and professionals from six municipalities. Two facilitators were identified: the availability of a specific service for attending COVID-19-related respiratory demands and the integration of the health team professionals before the pandemic. Two barriers were identified: a fragile primary healthcare structure before the pandemic and the lack of alignment of health professionals' actions with the community and territorial care model. We concluded that municipalities with a structured PHC system before the pandemic faced fewer hardships in preserving care continuity and actions in the territory.

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While one might expect states with low capacity to regulate less than states with high capacity, this is not supported by evidence, leaving open the possibility of rent-seeking. I use the example of the regulation of witchcraft in parts of Africa to informally model the conditions under which states with low capacity still come to promulgate a range of regulations even in the absence of rent-seeking interests. The model suggests that regulation can be a substitute for basic state functions like policing. I identify one normatively troubling aspect of this; the conditions under which such regulation might still improve state capacity over time, which qualifies claims made about rent-seeking and neo-patrimonialism; the model's implications for contemporary state formation; and the parallels between the regulation of witchcraft and the regulation of offensive speech.

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Resumo O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar a capacidade administrativa da Agência Nacional de Mineração (ANM), responsável por regular a política mineral brasileira. Para tanto, foram realizadas pesquisas documental e bibliográfica de cunho qualitativa. Coletaram-se e analisaram-se diferentes indicadores organizacionais por meio de consulta a relatórios oficiais de gestão, auditorias de órgãos de controle, bem como relatórios de Comissões Parlamentares. Sob um cenário no qual as capacidades administrativas deveriam ter sido robustecidas (2003-2020), os resultados demonstraram, de forma contraintuitiva, a contínua debilidade organizacional da autarquia. Evidenciou-se um quadro que conjuga restrição de servidores disponíveis, diminuição no orçamento discricionário, déficit na infraestrutura patrimonial e móvel, além de sistemas tecnológicos defasados. A baixa autonomia na alocação de recursos foi identificada como um dos mecanismos que explicam essas fragilidades. Em conjunto, tais condições - escassez de recursos e autonomia - contribuem para o baixo desempenho na regulação dos processos minerários e nas atividades de fiscalização e controle da mineração, podendo resultar em perda de arrecadação pública, riscos de novos desastres e ampliação da mineração ilegal.

Resumen El objetivo de este trabajo fue analizar la capacidad administrativa de la Agencia Nacional de Minería (ANM), responsable de regular la política minera brasileña. Para ello, se realizó una investigación documental y bibliográfica de carácter cualitativo. Se recogieron diferentes indicadores organizativos a partir de la consulta de informes oficiales de gestión, auditorías de agencias de control, así como informes de comisiones parlamentarias. En un escenario en el cual se deberían haber fortalecido las capacidades administrativas (2003-2020), los resultados demostraron, de manera contraintuitiva una continua debilidad organizativa de la autarquía. Se evidenció una situación que combina restricción de servidores disponibles, reducción del presupuesto discrecional, déficit en infraestructura patrimonial y móvil, además de sistemas tecnológicos obsoletos. La baja autonomía en la asignación de recursos se identificó como uno de los mecanismos que explican estas debilidades. En conjunto, las condiciones (escasez de recursos y autonomía) contribuyen a un pobre desempeño público en la regulación de los procesos mineros y en las actividades de inspección y control minero, lo que puede resultar en pérdida de recaudación pública, riesgo de nuevos desastres, además de la expansión de la minería ilegal.

Abstract This work analyzes the administrative capacity of the independent public entity National Mining Agency (ANM), which is responsible for regulating the Brazilian mineral policy. Documentary and qualitative bibliographic research were carried out. Different organizational indicators were collected from the consultation of official management reports, audits of accountability agencies, and reports from Parliamentary Committees. Under a scenario in which administrative capacities should be strengthened (2003-2020), the results counterintuitively demonstrated a continuous organizational weakness of the independent public entity. It is evident a situation that combines restriction of available bureaucrats, reduction in the discretionary budget, a deficit in patrimonial and mobile infrastructure, and outdated technological systems. Low autonomy in the allocation of resources was identified as one of the mechanisms that explain these weaknesses. These conditions (lack of resources and autonomy) contribute to poor public performance in the regulation of mining processes and in mining inspection and control activities, resulting in taxes loss, risks of new disasters, and the expansion of illegal mining.

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The initial period of vaccination shows strong heterogeneity between countries' vaccinations rollout, both in the terms of the start of the vaccination process and in the dynamics of the number of people that are vaccinated. A predominant thesis for this observation is that a key determinant of the swift and extensive vaccine rollout is state capacity. Here, we utilize two measures that quantify different aspects of the state capacity: (i) the external capacity (measured through the soft power of the country) and (ii) the internal capacity (measured via the country's government effectiveness) and provide an empirical test for their relationship with the coronavirus vaccination outcome in the initial period (up to 31st March 2021). By using data on 128 countries and a two-step Heckman approach, we find that the soft power is a robust determinant of whether a country has started with the vaccination process. In addition, the government effectiveness is a key factor that determines vaccine roll-out. Altogether, our findings are in line with the hypothesis that state capacity determines the observed heterogeneity between countries in the initial period of COVID-19 vaccines rollout. As such, they are a stark reminder for the need for transparent and fair global response regarding fair and equitable availability of vaccines to every country.

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This paper introduces a hybrid governance-referring to situations where state and non-state actors collectively provide key services-perspective to disaster management. It contends that hybridity is often the norm rather than the exception in disaster management, particularly in developing countries where the state is frequently weak and may be unable or unwilling to supply essential services. In these instances, risks are addressed by state and non-state entities, ranging from citizens and non-governmental organisations to customary authorities. Given their important role in risk reduction, the disruption of hybrid processes by attempting to bring them within the remit of the state may create rather than diminish risk. To make this argument, the paper first outlines the key tenants of hybridity and their applicability to disasters before illustrating hybridity through three case studies of hybrid risk management in three cities in Africa: Freetown, Sierra Leone; Monrovia, Liberia; and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania.

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During the first year of the Covid-19 pandemic, it was wealthier countries with stronger institutions that suffered the highest numbers of cases and fatalities. Many weaker countries were instead praised for more effective pandemic response. What explains this seeming puzzle? We re-consider these relationships in the cross-country data, drawing on measures of the state, Covid's health impact and pandemic response. In brief, our analysis suggests that, when appropriate additional factors are taken into account, the expected relationship between state effectiveness and pandemic health outcomes in fact is clear. We also offer insight into how different dimensions of the state influence policy and outcomes and how particular countries compare with others.

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A literatura endossa o crescente papel central de coordenação do governo federal nas políticas de saúde. Porém, há poucos estudos sobre o papel dos entes subnacionais, em especial, dos estados. Assim, este artigo analisou o arranjo institucional de implementação do Projeto Mais Médicos para o Brasil (PMMB) no estado de Minas Gerais. O trabalho foi realizado com base em análise documental de 31 atas de reuniões da Comissão de Coordenação Estadual e oito entrevistas com atores-chave responsáveis por sua implementação. Os resultados evidenciaram a (i) centralidade decisória do projeto no âmbito federal, a (ii) pouca clareza do papel do governo estadual no arranjo de implementação, a (iii) crise orçamentária do governo mineiro e a (iv) instabilidade política, que resultaram em (v) trocas de governo estadual e federal. Tais fatores, em conjunto, impactaram na capacidade de implementação do projeto em Minas Gerais.(AU)

The literature evidences the growing central coordinating role played by the federal government in health policy. However, there is little research on the role of subnational entities, especially state governments. This article analyzes the institutional arrangement for the implementation of the More Doctors for Brazil Project in the state of Minas Gerais. The study drew on data from a documentary analysis of 31 minutes of meetings of the State Coordinating Commission and eight interviews with key actors responsible for the implementation of the project. The results highlight: (i) Centralized Project decision-making at federal level; (ii) Lack of clarity with regard to the role of the state government in the implementation arrangement; (iii) A state government funding crisis; and (iv) Political instability, which result in (v) Changes in the state and federal government. These combined factors had a negative impact on project implementation capacity in Minas Gerais.(AU)

La literatura endosa el creciente papel central de coordinación del gobierno federal en las políticas de salud. No obstante, hay pocos estudios sobre el papel de los entes subnacionales, en especial de los estados. Por lo tanto, este artículo analizó la organización institucional de implementación del proyecto Más Médicos para Brasil (PMMB) en el estado de Minas Gerais. El trabajo se realizó con base en el análisis documental de 31 actas de reuniones de la Comisión de Coordinación Estatal y ocho entrevistas con actores-clave responsables por su implementación. Los resultados pusieron en evidencia: (i) la centralidad de decisión del Proyecto en el ámbito federal; (ii) la poca claridad del papel del gobierno estatal en la organización de la implementación; (iii) la crisis presupuestaria del gobierno del Estado de Minas Gerais y (iv) la inestabilidad política, lo que resultó en (v) cambios de gobierno estatal y federal. Tales factores, en conjunto, tuvieron impacto sobre la capacidad de implementación del Proyecto en Minas Gerais.(AU)

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It has been argued the pandemic has brought back the state. The discussions on this return of the state have been concentrated, so far, around familiar themes: trade-off between freedom-privacy and security with the expansion of control and surveillance of our bodies by the state, efficiency-competency of the state in containing the spread of the virus, and exclusion of marginalised peoples from healthcare facilities and sacrifice of older people in the process of rational allocation of critical care. In this short essay, I will explore and engage with these debates, and enquire what the pandemic control measures and outcomes tell us about present nature of the Indian state.

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O PELC é um programa nacional de esporte e lazer, criado em 2003, coordenado pelo governo federal e implementado no âmbito municipal. Analisar a implementação dos convênios do PELC no período de 2013 a 2017, com foco nas possibilidades de continuidade do programa na esfera municipal. Trata-se de um estudo qualitativo, de natureza estudo de caso associado a um estudo quantitativo observacional descritivo. A análise abrangeu o total de 43 municípios que implementaram o PELC. Os dados apontam que o potencial de indução para continuidade do Programa é pequeno, tendo em vista que a maioria dos municípios pretende realizar novo convênio para continuidade do projeto. A capilaridade do PELC ainda é baixa, bem como a sua cobertura, além de não atender a equidade regional, dada a concentração de municípios conveniados na região sudeste.

PELC is a national sports and leisure program, created in 2003, coordinated by the federal government and implemented at the municipal level. Analyze the implementation of the PELC agreements in the period from 2013 to 2017, focusing on the possibilities of continuity of the program at the municipal level. It is a qualitative study, of a case study nature associated with a descriptive observational quantitative study. The analysis covered a total of 43 municipalities that implemented the PELC. The data show that the potential for inducing continuity of the Program is small, considering that most municipalities intend to make a new agreement for the continuity of the project. The capillarity of the PELC is still low, as well as its coverage, in addition to not attending to regional equity, given the concentration of municipalities with agreements in the southeast region.

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Many developing countries are considering insurance as a means of pursuing Universal Health Coverage. A key challenge to confront is how to achieve high levels of health insurance enrolment. For voluntary schemes this entails mass awareness raising and promotional activity, though as schemes move to compulsory enrolment, monitoring and enforcement are required. This paper focuses on Ethiopia, which has made state health insurance for the informal sector a central pillar of its Universal Health Coverage strategy. The paper shows that high enrolment requires particular forms of state capacity, captured by Michael Mann's concept of state 'infrastructural power'. The paper draws on detailed case studies of insurance implementation in the Tigray and Oromiya regions of Ethiopia to illustrate variation in state infrastructural power and the implications for health insurance. Findings suggest that the potential of state health insurance as a means of promoting health access for a broad section of the population may be limited to the minority of countries or regions within countries exhibiting high levels of infrastructural power.

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CONTEXT: While the World Health Organization (WHO) has established guidance on COVID-19 surveillance, little is known about implementation of these guidelines in federations, which fragment authority across multiple levels of government. This study examines how subnational governments in federal democracies collect and report data on COVID-19 cases and mortality associated with COVID-19. METHODS: We collected data from subnational government websites in 15 federal democracies to construct indices of COVID-19 data quality. Using bivariate and multivariate regression, we analyzed the relationship between these indices and indicators of state capacity, the decentralization of resources and authority, and the quality of democratic institutions. We supplement these quantitative analyses with qualitative case studies of subnational COVID-19 data in Brazil, Spain, and the United States. FINDINGS: Subnational governments in federations vary in their collection of data on COVID-19 mortality, testing, hospitalization, and demographics. There are statistically significant associations (p < 0.05) between subnational data quality and key indicators of public health system capacity, fiscal decentralization, and the quality of democratic institutions. Case studies illustrate the importance of both governmental and civil-society institutions that foster accountability. CONCLUSIONS: The quality of subnational COVID-19 surveillance data in federations depends in part on public health system capacity, fiscal decentralization, and the quality of democracy.

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Vision 2030 is a social and economic strategic program by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) aimed at diversifying the nation's economy and stimulating numerous changes in its social and economic sectors, including in healthcare. Sustainable Development (SD) 2030 is a global consensual agreement among nation-states to build a sustainable, desirable and progressively interrelated world. The Saudi government highlighted Vision 2030 to improve population health and the world body reiterated that SD 2030 will contribute to "healthy lives and promote well-being for all at all ages." This article analyzes the state capacity in revitalizing the healthcare system in Saudi Arabia with the context of Vision 2030 and SD 2030. Scoping reviews and thematic data analysis techniques were used as a method of this study. The realization of Vision 2030 is essential for the fulfilment of the SD Goals 2030. The government has realigned its national programs, plans and strategies with global development targets, indicators, and goals to achieve the SD Goals. Achieving SD 2030 is seen as the main component of development for health. Prudent reforms should be taken to accommodate the goals and objectives of Vision 2030 and SD 2030. These measures will help strengthen governance and state capacity so as to ultimately revitalize the Saudi healthcare system and improve population health. Saudi Arabia's Vision 2030 encourages the state to play a renewed role in development in light of the UN's declaration of the "right to development." While pursuing SD Goals, the state must create the necessary environment for sustaining capacity, need to improve service delivery by building cooperation and coordination among providers and interactions among groups to realize constructive roles and functions in maintaining state affairs, which ultimately enhances state capacity to revitalize healthcare system of Saudi Arabia.

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Weak state capacity is one of the most important explanations of civil conflict. Yet, current conceptualizations of state capacity typically focus only on the state while ignoring the relational nature of armed conflict. We argue that opportunities for conflict arise where relational state capacity is low, that is, where the state has less control over its subjects than its potential challengers. This occurs in ethnic groups that are poorly accessible from the state capital, but are internally highly interconnected. To test this argument, we digitize detailed African road maps and convert them into a road atlas akin to Google Maps. We measure the accessibility and internal connectedness of groups via travel times obtained from this atlas and simulate road networks for an instrumental variable design. Our findings suggest that low relational state capacity increases the risk of armed conflict in Africa.

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As the Covid-19 pandemic spread in 2020, the government of Bangladesh ordered a lockdown and promised a program of relief. Citizens complied at first, but soon returned to economic and social life; relief proved slow and uncertain, and citizens could not rely on government assistance. The government tacitly and then officially permitted the lockdown to end, despite a rising Covid-19 caseload. This article draws on theories about state capacity to make and enforce policy to understand why Bangladesh proved unable to sustain a lockdown deemed necessary to contain the pandemic in this densely populated, low income country. Drawing on original qualitative mobile phone-based research in six selected communities, this article examines how the state exercised its capacities for coercion, control over lower factions within political society, and sought to preserve and enhance its legitimacy. It concludes that despite a) the growth in the capacity of the Bangladeshi state in the past decade and b) strong political incentives to manage the pandemic without harm to economic wellbeing, the pressures to sustain legitimacy with the masses forced the state and its frontline actors to tolerate lockdown rule-breaking, conceding that the immediate livelihood needs of the poor masses overrode national public health concerns. Chronically unable to enforce its authority over local political elites, the state failed to ensure a fair and timely distribution of relief. The weakness of the Bangladeshi state contrasts with the strength of widely shared 'moral economy' views within society, which provided powerful ethical and political justification for citizens' failures to comply with the lockdown, and for officials' forbearance in its enforcement. The Covid-19 pandemic highlights both the importance of state capacity in managing novel shocks from within the global system, and the challenges in settings where weak states are embedded in strong societies.

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This article analyses the evolution of COVID-19 and early government responses to the pandemic in eight South American countries. To this aim, this study explores indicators which trace the progression of the pandemic and analyses factors related of state capacity which impacted on the early response of governments of implementing restrictive policies of social distancing associated with a suppression strategy. The pressure on the health systems is evaluated with early projections of the growth-phase of the epidemic, which is incorporated as an indicator in the analysis of early interventions based on Cox proportional hazards models. The results indicate that fiscal expenditure on health, regional and local government capacity, and pressure on the health system accelerate government response with stringent interventions. A counter-intuitive finding is that the economic strength of a country delays these types of reactions. The effect of these interventions is something that should be studied in greater depth, considering, for example, sociocultural factors. Lastly, only cases such as Uruguay and Paraguay show some signs of having the pandemic relatively under control by mid-May, while Brazil and Peru face very adverse scenarios. In this context, considering the characteristics of the states in the region and the level of informal employment, it will be a public policy challenge to keep the equilibrium between restrictive measures and the economic and social problems which these responses imply in the medium term.

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Resumo Este artigo aborda a politização das estruturas burocráticas dos municípios brasileiros mediante cargos comissionados (CCs). Os dados foram obtidos por meio do banco de dados do grupo de pesquisa Instituições Políticas Comparadas (IpoC), do Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (IBGE), e dos sites oficiais do Conselho Federal de Administração (CFA) e da Federação das Indústrias do Rio de Janeiro (FIRJAN). Inicialmente, verificou-se o grau de variabilidade da distribuição desses cargos nas estruturas municipais e a qualidade instrucional desses servidores. Em seguida, procedeu-se a uma análise de dependência espacial global e local. Além disso, analisou-se estatisticamente, via teste t independente, a diferença de desempenho entre os municípios com maiores capacidades dos comissionados em comparação àqueles com menores capacidades dos comissionados e entre os municípios com maiores quantidades de comissionados em comparação àqueles com menores quantidades de comissionados. Como proxy de desempenho, utilizou-se o produto interno bruto (PIB) per capita municipal, o Índice FIRJAN de Desenvolvimento Municipal (IFDM) e o Índice de Governança Municipal (IGM), criado pelo CFA. O resultado traz à tona a complexidade da administração pública municipal, já que os diversos testes divergem sobre os efeitos da capacitação e da quantidade de servidores comissionados como elementos preditores de um melhor desepenho dos municípios.

Resumen Este artículo aborda la politización de las estructuras burocráticas de los municipios brasileños a través del uso de cargos comisionados. Los datos se obtuvieron a través del banco de datos del grupo de investigación Instituciones Políticas Comparadas (IpoC), del Instituto Brasileño de Geografía y Estadística (IBGE) y de los sitios web oficiales del Consejo Federal de Administración (CFA) y de la Federación de las Industrias de Río de Janeiro (FIRJAN). Inicialmente se verificó el grado de variabilidad de la distribución de esos cargos en las estructuras municipales y la calidad instruccional de esos servidores. A continuación, se procedió a un análisis de dependencia espacial global y local. Además, se analizó estadísticamente, con el uso del test t independiente, la diferencia de desempeño entre los municipios con comisionados con más capacidades en relación con los de menos y, entre los municipios con mayores cantidades de comisionados en comparación con los con menos. Como proxy de desempeño se utilizó el PIB per cápita municipal, el Índice FIRJAN de Desarrollo Municipal (IFDM) y el Índice de Gobernanza Municipal (IGM) creado por el CFA. El resultado revela la complejidad de la administración pública municipal, ya que, algunas pruebas indican la capacitación y la cantidad de servidores como solución y recomendación a los municipios; mientras que otras indican lo contrario.

Abstract This article discusses the politicization of the bureaucratic structures of the Brazilian municipalities based on appointed positions. The intention is to demonstrate patterns of political appointments that reflect institutional performance. The data were provided by Munic/IBGE 2005/14 and IpoC- Instituições Políticas Comparadas/UFRGS. Firstly, the study observed the degree of variability of the distribution of these positions in municipal structures, and the quality of the appointees' education. Then, an analysis of spatial, global, and local dependence was performed. In addition, the difference in performance among municipalities was statistically tested using the independent t-test. The test compared municipalities' performance concerning the number and education of appointees. The study used the Municipal GDP-Per-Capita, the Índice Firjan de Desenvolvimento Municipal (IFDM), and the Índice de Governança Municipal (IGM) created by the Federal Board of Administration as proxies for performance. The results stress the complexity of local public management since some of the tests indicate the number and education of appointees as predictors of high performance while other studies do not find the same relationship.

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