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While social psychology has contributed much to our understanding of collective action, other forms of resistance are understudied. However, in contexts of long-standing oppression-such as ongoing colonialism-and past repression of liberation struggles, other resistance strategies are important considering the constraints on overt, collective action in such contexts. This paper reports findings from an interview study in Puerto Rico (N = 22) exploring anti-colonial resistance. We analysed participants' own resistance, future preferred strategies, and descriptive norms of other ingroup members' resistance. Through thematic analysis, we identified six distinct forms of anti-colonial resistance. Notably, none of the participants reported participating in collective action. Instead, participants engaged in different forms of symbolic everyday resistance to preserve a positive, distinct cultural identity, and raise critical consciousness of the group's oppression. Additionally, more tangible resistance strategies included staying on the land and building independent economies. Overall, this study illustrates the importance of considering a more comprehensive set of resistance strategies in contexts of long-standing colonial oppression to recognize oppressed groups' agency and provide a better understanding of how people undermine destructive power.

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The contours of the collective action necessary to limit climate change remain difficult to discern. In this context, societal corporatist political processes, fueled by crisis narratives, have shown some promise as political devices for mobilizing people. Corporatist processes have, historically, brought political competitors like employers and labor unions together to negotiate compacts that have advanced collective goods during times of crisis. In response to the climate crisis in the Global South, affluent donor groups, state officials, some farmers, and indigenous peoples have begun to assemble corporatist-like coalitions to pursue climate stabilization. A comparative case study of efforts to promote sustainable cattle ranching through the spread of silvopastoral landscapes in Colombia and Ecuador illustrates this political dynamic, its shortcomings, and its accomplishments.

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This article reviews the literature on the consumption, street drug analysis, distribution, and main environmental impacts of illicit drugs in Brazil and analyzes the III National Survey on Drug Use by the Brazilian Population. The literature review is based on articles published in national and international journals between 2018 and 2023. This review consists of two analyses, the first of which addresses publications from the last 6 years on the monitoring of illicit drugs in Brazil and a second analysis based on the III National Survey on Drug Use that addresses the different possibilities of contact with drugs. The results revealed that the Southeast region of Brazil has the highest number of studies on the subject, especially in the state of São Paulo, while the North and Northeast regions have the lowest number of studies. The Midwest regions only have studies in the federal capital city, Brasília, while no studies were found in states bordering countries that produce illicit drugs, such as Paraguay and Bolivia. Analytical methods that use the concept of miniaturization, green chemistry, and the adoption of acceptance methods are frequent in most articles. Chemometric and statistical tools are widely used for the analysis, development, and conclusion of identification and quantification methods. Among the articles studied, there was a predominance in the analysis of cocaine metabolites and cannabis metabolites in the aquatic environment, where their concentrations ranged from 0.01 to 2000 ng L-1. Studies also reported bioaccumulation in marine biota with concentrations of up to 4.58 µg kg-1 for mussels and sediments, posing a risk to algae, crustaceans, and fish. Furthermore, the data show that the consumption of illicit drugs is increasing in Brazil, especially among young people.

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PURPOSE: Governments faced formidable challenges in coordinating public health responses to the COVID-19 pandemic. This study aims to enhance the understanding of effective organizational leadership during crises by investigating the factors influencing the turnover of health leaders during the COVID-19 pandemic in Brazil. DESIGN/METHODOLOGY/APPROACH: Using primary data encompassing all appointments and dismissals of federal and state health secretaries, this paper conducted a quantitative analysis of the relational and reputational factors that contributed to leader turnover during the COVID-19 pandemic. This paper also examined whether leaders' management and public health experience increase the duration of tenure. FINDINGS: States encountered significant challenges in retaining experienced and effective leadership during the health emergency, primarily due to political conflicts in policymaking and, to a lesser extent, allegations of corruption. Furthermore, leaders with expertise in public health were found to be less likely to be removed from office. However, managerial experience did not prolong the tenure of state health secretaries during the emergency. RESEARCH LIMITATIONS/IMPLICATIONS: Since most health leaders have public health and management experience, the contributions of each factor to the duration of a secretary's tenure are difficult to separate and analyze separately. PRACTICAL IMPLICATIONS: This study provides empirical insights into what factors drive health leader turnover during major health emergencies. SOCIAL IMPLICATIONS: During major health emergencies, health leaders often strongly disagree with elected officials on the response. This paper test how crisis leadership theories help explain state health leaders' duration in one of the world's largest public health systems during the COVID-19 pandemic. This paper find that policy disagreements contributed to significant turnover. ORIGINALITY/VALUE: To the best of the authors' knowledge, this paper is the first that are aware of that uses novel primary data on public health executive leader characteristics and turnover causes in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. It provides empirical evidence contributing to the crisis leadership literature by examining health leader turnover in one of the world's largest public health systems.

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RESUMO Objetivou-se analisar a Frente pela Vida (FpV), um ator da sociedade civil organizado no campo da saúde, que buscou incidir politicamente diante da crise sanitária da pandemia da covid-19 no contexto do governo Bolsonaro. As informações foram obtidas por meio de revisão documental de publicações da FpV, bem como pela observação participante de reuniões, manifestações, lives e eventos nos quais participou ou organizou, além de entrevistas com participantes do seu grupo operativo. A análise considerou as categorias origem, trajetória, atores, gestão, relação entre a FpV e movimento sanitário, sustentabilidade, desafios e perspectivas da FpV. Os resultados evidenciam que a FpV capitaneou uma grande rede de políticas formada por sujeitos individuais e coletivos, entidades científicas e organizações representativas de diversos segmentos da sociedade civil, conformando uma atualização do movimento sanitário com ampliação de sua base de sustentação social. Sua trajetória contemplou, principalmente, a ação técnico-científica e política em múltiplas arenas, tendo nos Poderes Executivo, Legislativo e Judiciário, e na sociedade civil, espaços privilegiados de inserção. Conclui-se que a FpV se revelou importante ator social na conjuntura recente, tensionando o Estado na defesa da vida, do direito universal à saúde e da expansão e fortalecimento do Sistema Único de Saúde.

ABSTRACT This paper examined the Front for Life (Frente pela Vida, FpV), a movement of organised civil society in the health field, which sought to achieve political impact in response to the health crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic in the context of the Bolsonaro administration. Information was obtained through a document review of FpV publications, participant observation in meetings, demonstrations, livestreams and events in which the front participated or organised, as well as interviews of participants in its operating group. The analytical categories used were origin, trajectory, movements, management, the relationship between the FpV and the health sector reform movement, sustainability, challenges and the FpV's prospects. The results showed that the FpV has led a large policy network of individual and collective subjects, scientific entities and organisations representing various segments of civil society to update the health sector movement and expand its social support base. Its trajectory has involved mainly technical, scientific and political action in multiple areas, working with the Executive, Judiciary and Legislative branches of government, as well as civil society. In conclusion, the FpV has proved to be an important social movement pressing the State to defend life and the universal right to health and to expand and strengthen Brazil's Unified Health System, the SUS.

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This paper explores the viewpoints of nineteenth-century Brazilian physicians regarding women's roles as the 'propagators of the race'. It emphasises their perspectives on reproduction, breast feeding, and the involvement of enslaved wet nurses in a society grappling with significant paradoxes and conflicts as it sought to embrace modernisation. It also examines various aspects of women's health and childcare, encompassing topics like miscarriage and puériculture Through an analysis of medical discourse, this paper underscores physicians' profound influence in shaping societal assumptions surrounding maternal roles in Brazil. These understandings were instrumental in shaping the expectations for a 'modern nation', where racial considerations intertwined with broader discourses about female bodies. Drawing on diverse sources from the latter half of the nineteenth century, including newspapers and medical records, this paper also highlights the lived experiences of mothers-both tangible realities and imagined constructs. It emphasises how these experiences became integrated in ideological debates that centred on maternity, race, nationhood and modernity within a South Atlantic context. Conducting a discourse analysis of published medical sources, the paper finally uncovers the intricate interplay between reproductive politics, biological risk perceptions and national defence. It dissects how these elements coalesced into the language of biopolitics, moulding regulations and institutional control over the bodies of both white and black women. This exploration aims to enrich discussions about the intricate dynamics shaping institutional actions within the realms of reproductive health and national interests.

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Objetivo: descrever a experiência na constituição do Comitê Estudantil Nacional da Associação Brasileira de Enfermagem, enfatizando seus avanços e desafios. Métodos: trata-se de estudo descritivo do tipo relato de experiência. As atividades foram desenvolvidas junto à Diretoria de Educação da Associação Brasileira de Enfermagem Nacional. Resultados: desenvolveu-se o relato por meio de três categorias, sendo: Constituição do primeiro comitê temático de estudantes na Associação Brasileira de Enfermagem Nacional; Avanços do Comitê Estudantil Nacional da Associação Brasileira de Enfermagem; Desafios passado, presente e, quiçá, futuro do comitê estudantil. Considerações finais: a participação estudantil na Associação Brasileira de Enfermagem Nacional e Seções, por meio do comitê estudantil, permite que os futuros enfermeiros contribuam para o fortalecimento da entidade, aproximando os estudantes, além de que vivenciem contextos de lutas pela enfermagem e pelas políticas públicas em educação e saúde.

Objective: to describe the experience in establishing the Brazilian Nursing Association National Student Committee, emphasizing its advances and challenges. Methods: this is a descriptive study and experience report. The activities were developed together with the Brazilian National Nursing Association Education Board. Results: the report was developed through three categories, namely: Establishment of the first thematic student committee in the Brazilian National Nursing Association; Advances of the Brazilian Nursing Association National Student Committee; Past, present and, perhaps, future challenges of the student committee. Final considerations: student participation in the Brazilian National Nursing Association and Sections, through a student committee, allows future nurses to contribute to strengthening the entity, bringing students together, in addition to experiencing contexts of struggles for nursing and public policies in education and health.

Objetivo: describir la experiencia en la constitución del Comité Nacional de Estudiantes de la Asociación Brasileña de Enfermería, destacando sus avances y desafíos. Métodos: se trata de un estudio descriptivo del tipo relato de experiencia. Las actividades fueron desarrolladas en conjunto con la Mesa de Educación de la Asociación Nacional de Enfermería de Brasil. Resultados: el informe fue desarrollado a través de tres categorías, a saber: Constitución del primer comité temático de estudiantes de la Asociación Nacional de Enfermería de Brasil; Avances del Comité Nacional de Estudiantes de la Asociación Brasileña de Enfermería; Desafíos pasados, presentes y, quizás, futuros del comité estudiantil. Consideraciones finales: la participación de los estudiantes en la Asociación Nacional de Enfermería y Secciones de Brasil, a través del comité de estudiantes, permite a los futuros enfermeros contribuir al fortalecimiento de la entidad, acercando a los estudiantes, además de vivir contextos de luchas por la enfermería y las políticas públicas en educación y salud.

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Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador's historic election victory in 2018 marked a sharp break from past decades of neoliberal socioeconomic policies. López Obrador campaigned on the promise of deep reform, with health care high on his agenda. The public health care sector had been decimated by decades of budget cuts, eroding workers' morale and patients' confidence, and crippling all aspects of the system. This article looks back to the creation of the nation's public health care system in the early twentieth century during the administration of President Lázaro Cárdenas (1934-1940). This "universal" system was designed to implement a central social justice goal of the Mexican Revolution of health care for all. The program rested on two pillars: providing care to the nation's vast, impoverished rural population and actively engaging communities in their own health care. Our objective is to critically assess the two presidents' health care initiatives within the distinct historical contexts of their administrations.

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This study has the aim of assessing the Brazilian perceptions, influencing factors and political positioning on the confidence concerning COVID-19 vaccination. To achieve the objective, the methods rely on a cross-sectional survey of Brazilian citizens, distributed through different social networks. The sample is composed of 1,670 valid responses, collected from almost all Brazilian states and state capitals. To analyze the data and give a clear view of the variables' relationship, the study used bivariate and comparative graphs. Results show a higher level of confidence in vaccines from Pfizer and AstraZeneca, while the lower level of confidence is associated with vaccines from Sinopharm and Sputinik5. Vaccine efficacy is the most significant influencing factor that helps in the decision to get vaccinated. Also, individuals are less willing to get vaccinated if their political preferences are related to the right-wing. The results led to three main health and social implications: i) the vaccination strategy campaigns should take in count vaccine efficacy and political aspects; ii) the vaccination process should be adapted to regions with different political positions; and iii) a reinforcement in the educational policies of the vaccine's importance to the public health, to avoid the politization of a health issue.

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This global panel dataset contains information collected from two different sources (The Fund for Peace and World Bank), on the governance and stability levels of 178 countries between 2006 and 2022. The dataset includes information on 1) Cohesion (security apparatus (C1), factionalized elites (C2), and group grievance (C3)), 2) Economic (economy (E1), economic inequality (E2), and human flight and brain drain (E3)), 3) Political (state legitimacy (P1), public services (P2), and human rights (P3)) indicators, 4) Social and cross-cutting (demographic pressures (S1), refugees and internally displaced persons (S2), and external intervention (X1)), and 5) Governance (voice and accountability (G1), political stability and absence of violence/terrorism (G2), government effectiveness (G3), regulatory quality (G4), rule of law (G5), and control of corruption (G6)). Data analysis was carried out using SPSS version 29 software to ensure a complete description of the data (labels, type and measure of variables, and uniformity of decimals), as well as the imputation possibility of missing data, which will allow future researchers to study both cross-sectional and longitudinal relationships between the five types of indicators and the eighteen indicators reported.

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Resumen Introducción La acción política es inherente a todos los procesos cotidianos, tanto para mantener la hegemonía como para desarrollar nuevos proyectos en la sociedad. Objetivo Comprender las discusiones sobre acción política referenciadas en la bibliografía de terapia ocupacional. Metodología Se realizó una revisión integradora de la literatura producida en los últimos cinco años, indexada en las bases de datos Web of Science, SciELO, Scopus y Lilacs. Se utilizaron las ecuaciones de búsqueda política AND "terapia ocupacional", en español y portugués; y, "Occupational Therapy" AND (politic OR policy OR policies), en inglés. El proceso se describió según la propuesta PRISMA para relacionar la identificación, selección y análisis integrador, así como para proponer la elegibilidad documental. Resultados El corpus quedó conformado por 14 artículos distribuidos en cinco revistas, tres de ellas de América del Sur. Es evidente que las discusiones sobre acción política se han desarrollado particularmente en el Sur. Los documentos fueron analizados bajo cuatro categorías: hegemonía, resistencia, tensiones y contradicciones, presentes en las construcciones conceptuales y en las prácticas descritas. Emergen dos disputas sobre la acción política de los terapeutas ocupacionales: la primera está relacionada con la profesión, y la segunda con el lugar político del terapeuta ocupacional. Conclusiones Es imperativo propender por la construcción de nuevas hegemonías al interior de las acciones profesionales, que también son acciones políticas. Igualmente, es necesario avanzar en desarrollos epistemológicos, ontológicos, éticos y políticos que soporten los nuevos sentidos comunes propuestos. La terapia ocupacional social en Brasil muestra avances en este sentido.

Resumo Introdução A ação política é inerente a todos os processos cotidianos tanto para a manutenção da hegemonia quanto para novos projetos na sociedade. Objetivo Compreender a discussão sobre a ação política na bibliografia em terapia ocupacional. Metodologia Foi realizada uma revisão integrativa da literatura produzida nos últimos cinco anos e indexada nas bases de dados Web of Science, SciELO, Scopus e Lilacs. Se utilizaram as combinações de procura política AND "terapia ocupacional", em espanhol e português; e "Occupational Therapy"AND (politic OR policy OR policies), em inglês. O processo se baseou na proposta PRISMA para a identificação, seleção e elegibilidade, assim como para a análise documental. Resultados Foram encontrados 14 artigos em cinco revistas, três delas da América do Sul. Explicitou-se que as discussões sobre a ação política foram desenvolvidas principalmente no Sul. Os documentos foram analisados sob quatro categorias: hegemonia, resistência, tensões e contradições, que foram identificadas nas construções conceituais e nas práticas descritas. Emergiram duas disputas sobre a ação política dos e das terapeutas ocupacionais: uma primeira relacionada com a profissão e a segunda com o lugar político do terapeuta ocupacional. Conclusão É imperativo propor a construção de novas hegemonias no interior das ações profissionais, que também são ações políticas. Igualmente, é necessário avançar em desenvolvimentos epistemológicas, ontológicos, éticos e políticos que sustentem os novos sentidos comuns propostos. A terapia ocupacional social, no Brasil, mostra avanços nesse sentido.

Abstract Introduction Political actions are inherent to all everyday processes, both to maintain hegemony or to develop new projects in society. Objective To understand the discussions about political action referenced in the occupational therapy bibliography. Methodology An integrative review of the literature produced in the last five years, indexed by Web of Science, SciELO, Scopus and Lilacs databases, was carried out. The search equations "política" and "terapia ocupacional" were used in Spanish and in Portuguese; and "Occupational Therapy" and (politic OR policy OR policies), in English. The process was described according to the PRISMA proposal to relate identification, selection, and integrative analysis, as well as to propose documentary eligibility. Results The corpus consisted of 14 articles distributed in five journals, three of them from South America. It is evident that the discussions about political action have developed particularly in the South. The documents were analyzed under four categories: hegemony, resistance, tensions, and contradictions, present in the conceptual constructions and practices described. Two disputes about the political action of occupational therapists emerge: the first is related to the profession, and the second to the political place of the occupational therapist. Conclusion It is imperative to promote the construction of new hegemonies within professional actions, which are also political actions. Likewise, it is necessary to advance in epistemological, ontological, ethical, and political developments that support the proposed new common senses. Social occupational therapy in Brazil shows progress in this direction.

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Este trabalho visa delinear o conceito de desamparo por meio da metapsicologia freudiana e como isso implica outra forma de pensar a política. Desse modo, o desamparo não é concebido unicamente como a vulnerabilidade do bebê ao nascer, mas, também, como a falta de respostas às excitações internas. Tal estado de desamparo é radicalizado a partir da concepção de pulsão de morte construída por Freud. A pulsão de morte gera processos de desabamentos, rupturas, desligamentos e despossessão, essenciais para a própria vida se complexificar. Nesse sentido, propomos o desamparo como afeto político central quando pensamos em transformação. A partir do desabamento de si e da abertura radical ao contato do outro, podemos experimentar outras formas de experiências, outras formas de afetação e, consequentemente, a construção de corpos políticos rumo à transformação política radical

This paper outlines the concept of helplessness through Freudian metapsychology and by doing so imply a new way of thinking about politics. Helplessness is not conceived simply as the newborn's vulnerability, but also as the lack of response to internal excitements. Such an estate is radicalized by Freud's concept of death drive, which generates processes of collapsing, ruptures, unplugging and dispossession that are essential for turning life complex. In this sense, we propose helplessness as a main political affection when referring to transformation. By the collapse of oneself and the radical opening to contact with others, one may experience other ways of experiencing and of being affected and, consequently, the construction of political bodies leading to the radical transformation of politics

Cet article présente le concept de délaissé à travers la métapsychologie freudienne et, ce faisant, lui imprime une nouvelle façon de penser la politique. Le délaissé n'est pas simplement conçu comme la vulnérabilité du nouveau-né, mais aussi comme une absence de réponse aux excitations internes. Tel état est radicalisé par le concept de pulsion de mort de Freud, qui produit des processus de glissement, de rupture, d'arrêt et de dépossession essentielles à la complexification de la vie. En ce sens, nous proposons le délaissé comme principale affection politique lorsqu'il est question de transformation. Par le glissement de soi-même et l'ouverture radicale au contact avec les autres, nous pouvons expérimenter d'autres façons de vivre et d'être affecté et, par conséquent, la construction de corps politiques vers à la transformation politique radicale

Este artículo pretende esbozar el concepto de desamparo a través de la metapsicología freudiana y cómo esto implica otra forma de pensar sobre política. De esa manera, la impotencia no solo se concibe como la vulnerabilidad del bebé al nacer, sino también debido a la falta de respuestas a las excitaciones internas. Tal estado de desamparo se radicaliza desde la concepción del impulso de muerte construido por Freud. El impulso de la muerte genera procesos de colapsos, rupturas, desconexiones y desposesión esenciales para que la vida misma se vuelva más compleja. En este sentido, proponemos lo desamparo como un afecto político central cuando pensemos en la transformación. Desde el colapso de uno mismo y la apertura radical al contacto con el otro, podemos experimentar otras formas de experiencias y otras formas de afectación y,en consecuencia, la construcción de cuerpos políticos hacia una transformación política radical

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Abstract This study aimed to estimate the prevalence of alterations in self-perceived mental health during the COVID-19 pandemic and their associated factors in four Latin American countries. This is a cross-sectional study based on data collected from adults in 2021 through the Collaborative Response COVID-19 Survey by the MacDonnell Academy at Washington University in St. Louis (United States). The sample was composed of 8,125 individuals from Brazil, Colombia, Mexico, and Chile. A generalized linear model for a binary outcome variable with a logistic link and fixed country effects was used. There were 2,336 (28.75%) individuals who considered having suffered alterations in self-perceived mental health. Unemployed individuals (OR = 1.40; 95%CI: 1.24-1.58), those with bad/regular quality of life (OR = 5.03; 95%CI: 4.01-6.31), and those with high socioeconomic status (OR = 1.66; 95%CI: 1.41-1.96) had a higher risk of self-perceived mental health alterations than those with full-time employment, excellent quality, and low socioeconomic status. According to the fixed-effects model, Brazilians living in the country during the pandemic, who disagreed with their government's decisions (OR = 2.05; 95%CI: 1.74-2.42) and lacked trust in their government (OR = 2.10; 95%CI: 1.74-2.42) had a higher risk of having self-perceived mental health alterations. Nearly 30% of respondents indicated that the COVID-19 pandemic altered their self-perceived mental health. This outcome was associated with political, sociodemographic, and health risk factors. These findings should help policymakers develop post-pandemic community interventions.

Resumen Este estudio tuvo como objetivo estimar la prevalencia de alteraciones en la autopercepción de la salud mental durante la pandemia de COVID-19 y sus factores asociados en cuatro países de América Latina. Este es un estudio transversal de datos recopilados de adultos en el 2021 por medio de la investigación Respuesta Colaborativa a COVID-19 de la Academia McDonnell en la Universidad Washington en St. Louis (Estados Unidos). La muestra estuvo compuesta por 8.125 personas de Brasil, Colombia, México y Chile. El estudio utilizó un modelo lineal generalizado para una variable de desenlace binario con un enlace logístico y efectos fijos por país. En total, 2.336 (28,75%) personas consideraron que habían sufrido alteraciones en la autopercepción de la salud mental. Los desempleados (OR = 1,40; IC95%: 1,24-1,58), aquellos con calidad de vida mala/regular (OR = 5,03; IC95%: 4,01-6,31) y aquellos con alto nivel socioeconómico (OR = 1,66; IC95%: 1,41-1,96) presentaron mayor riesgo de alteraciones en la autopercepción de la salud mental que aquellos con empleo a tiempo completo, excelente calidad y bajo nivel socioeconómico. Según el modelo de efectos fijos, los brasileños que vivían en el país durante la pandemia y que no estuvieron de acuerdo con las decisiones del gobierno (OR = 2,05; IC95%: 1,74-2,42) y no confiaban en su gobierno (OR = 2,10; IC95%: 1,74-2,42) presentaron mayor riesgo de alteraciones en la autopercepción de la salud mental. Casi el 30% de los encuestados indicaron que la pandemia de COVID-19 alteró su autopercepción de la salud mental. Este desenlace se asoció con factores políticos, sociodemográficos y de riesgo a la salud. Estos hallazgos deben ayudar a los formuladores de políticas a desarrollar intervenciones comunitarias pospandémicas.

Resumo Este estudo teve como objetivo estimar a prevalência de alterações na autopercepção de saúde mental durante a pandemia de COVID-19 e seus fatores associados em quatro países da América Latina. Este é um estudo transversal de dados coletados de adultos em 2021 por meio da pesquisa Resposta Colaborativa à COVID-19 da Academia McDonnell na Universidade Washington em St. Louis (Estados Unidos). A amostra foi composta por 8.125 pessoas do Brasil, Colômbia, México e Chile. O estudo utilizou um modelo linear generalizado para uma variável de desfecho binário com uma conexão logística e efeitos fixos do país. No total, 2.336 (28,75%) pessoas consideraram ter sofrido alterações na autopercepção de saúde mental. Os desempregados (OR = 1,40; IC95%: 1,24-1,58), aqueles com qualidade de vida ruim/regular (OR = 5,03; IC95%: 4,01-6,31) e aqueles com alto nível socioeconômico (OR = 1,66; IC95%: 1,41-1,96) apresentaram maior risco de alterações na autopercepção de saúde mental do que aqueles com emprego em tempo integral, excelente qualidade e baixo nível socioeconômico. De acordo com o modelo de efeitos fixos, os brasileiros que viviam no país durante a pandemia, que discordavam das decisões do governo (OR = 2,05; IC95%: 1,74-2,42) e não confiavam em seu governo (OR = 2,10; IC95%: 1,74-2,42) apresentaram maior risco de alterações na autopercepção de saúde mental. Quase 30% dos entrevistados indicaram que a pandemia da COVID-19 alterou sua autopercepção de saúde mental. Esse desfecho estava associado a fatores políticos, sociodemográficos e de risco à saúde. Estes achados devem ajudar os formuladores de políticas a desenvolver intervenções comunitárias pós-pandemia.

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Abstract: We evaluated the hypothesis of an association between excess mortality and political partisanship in Brazil using municipal death certificates registered in the Brazilian Ministry of Health database and first-round electoral results of Presidential elections in 2018 and 2022. Considering the former Brazilian President's stance of discrediting and neglecting the severity of the pandemic, we expect a possible relationship between excessive mortality rates during the COVID-19 health crisis and the number of municipal votes for Bolsonaro. Our results showed that, in both elections, the first-round percentage of municipal votes for Bolsonaro was positively associated with the peaks of excess deaths across Brazilian municipalities in 2020 and 2021. Despite the excess mortality during the pandemic, the political loyalty to Bolsonaro remained the same during the electoral period of 2022. A possible explanation for this is linked to the Brazilian political scenario, which presents an environment of tribal politics and affective polarization.

Resumo: Usando dados municipais em declarações de óbito registrados no Ministério da Saúde e resultados eleitorais do primeiro turno das eleições presidenciais de 2018 e 2022, avaliamos a hipótese de que há associação entre excesso de mortalidade e partidarismo político no Brasil. Dada a postura do ex-presidente brasileiro de desacreditar e negligenciar a gravidade da pandemia, esperamos que haja possivelmente uma relação entre as taxas excessivas de mortalidade durante a crise sanitária da COVID-19 e o número de votos municipais para Bolsonaro. Nossos resultados mostraram que, em ambas as eleições, o percentual de votos municipais no primeiro turno para Bolsonaro foi positivamente associado aos picos de excesso de mortes nos municípios brasileiros em 2020 e 2021. Mesmo com o excesso de mortalidade durante a pandemia, a lealdade política de Bolsonaro não diminuiu durante o segundo período eleitoral em 2022. Uma possível explicação para isso está ligada ao cenário político brasileiro, que vive um ambiente de política tribal e polarização afetiva.

Resumen: A partir de datos municipales sobre certificados de defunción registrados en el Ministerio de Salud de Brasil y de los resultados electorales de la primera vuelta de las elecciones presidenciales de 2018 y 2022, se evaluó si existe una asociación entre el exceso de mortalidad y el partidismo político en Brasil. Ante la postura del ex presidente brasileño de desacreditar y desatender la gravedad de la pandemia, probablemente exista una relación entre las altas tasas de mortalidad durante la crisis de salud del COVID-19 y el número de votos municipales para Bolsonaro. Los resultados demostraron que, en ambas elecciones, el porcentaje de votos municipales en la primera vuelta para Bolsonaro estuvo asociado positivamente con los picos de alta de muertes en los municipios brasileños para el período 2020-2021. Incluso con la alta mortalidad durante la pandemia, la lealtad política de Bolsonaro no disminuyó durante el segundo período electoral en 2022. Una de las posibles explicaciones es que esto se vincula al escenario político brasileño, que vive una política tribal y polarización afectiva.

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Resumo O artigo apresenta resultados de uma pesquisa qualitativa sobre violência armada, do tipo pesquisa-ação, com profissionais de saúde e de educação e serviços comunitários territoriais em Manguinhos/RJ. Justifica-se pela premência dessa violência no território, tendo como objetivo identificar seus impactos na saúde e no trabalho, assim como as estratégias de enfrentamento, proteção e cuidado empreendidas. A partir de entrevistas e grupos focais com profissionais de saúde e da educação e observação participante, discutem-se os efeitos da violência armada sobre elas(es) e o território, identificando algumas de suas transversalidades, como a política de segurança pública racista empreendida pelo Estado brasileiro, baseada numa lógica bélica de confronto com grupos que têm domínio armado de território, que precariza a vida ao expor moradoras(es) e trabalhadoras(es) a riscos constantes, enfraquece o tecido comunitário e impede o pleno acesso à saúde e à educação.

Abstract The article presents the results of qualitative action research on armed violence with health and education professionals and territorial community services in Manguinhos, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. It is justified by the urgent nature of this violence in the territory and aims to identify its impacts on their health and work, coping, protection, and care strategies. The effects of armed violence on health and education professionals and the territory are discussed through interviews and focus groups with participant observation, identifying some of its transversalities, such as the Brazilian State racist public security policy based on a warlike logic of confrontation with groups with armed control of the territory, which makes life precarious by exposing residents and workers to constant risks, weakening the community fabric and preventing full access to health and education.

RESUMEN

O presente artigo explora alguns impactos políticos e sociais reconhecidos nos dez anos que sucederam as manifestações de junho de 2013, dando ênfase a um fator específico: o papel das mídias sociais no cenário político e na mobilização de grupos. Partindo desse foco, trata da possibilidade de que tais ferramentas digitais possam ser melhor exploradas por certos grupos políticos em detrimento de outros, e os motivos para tanto. Tal questão será discutida a partir de autores de estudos da tecnologia, da teoria social e da psicanálise. Não necessariamente inferindo uma diferenciação de conteúdo de ideologias políticas, propomos essa distinção considerando que os impactos subjetivos e de mobilização produzidos por tais mídias podem ser assimilados e empregados de acordo com objetivos específicos. Trata-se, assim, de um exame sobre os impactos que as mídias sociais produzem em processos de subjetivação e de agrupamento, e seus efeitos políticos.

Resumos This paper explores political and social impacts present in the ten years since June 2013 demonstrations, emphasizing an specific factor: the role of social media in the political landscape and in mobilizing groups. We take as a central question the possibility that those digital tools are better explored by some political groups to the detriment of others, and the reasons that explain this difference. This question is developed with authors from the studies of technology, social theory, and psychoanalysis. Without necessarily assuming a content differentiation among political views, we propose their distinction considering that the subjective and the mobilizing impacts produced by these media can be assimilated and employed according to specific objectives. Therefore, this study is an examination of the impacts that social media produce on subjectivation and grouping processes, and their political effects.

Cet article explore certains des impacts politiques et sociaux constatés au cours des dix années qui ont suivi les manifestations de juin 2013, en mettant l'accent sur un facteur spécifique: le rôle des médias sociaux dans le paysage politique et dans la mobilisation des groupes. À partir de là, il aborde la possibilité que ces outils numériques puissent être mieux exploités par certains groupes politiques au détriment d'autres, et les raisons de cette différence supposée. Cette question sera discutée à l'aide d'auteurs issus des études technologique, de la théorie sociale et de la psychanalyse. Sans nécessairement en déduire une différenciation dans le contenu des opinions politiques, nous proposons cette distinction en considérant que les impacts subjectifs et mobilisateurs produits par ces médias peuvent être assimilés et utilisés en fonction d'objectifs spécifiques. Il s'agit donc d'examiner les impacts que les médias sociaux produisent sur les processus de subjectivation et de regroupement, et leurs effets politiques.

Este artículo explora los impactos políticos y sociales desencadenados tras diez años de las manifestaciones de junio de 2013 enfatizando un factor específico: el papel de las redes sociales en los escenarios políticos y en la movilización de grupos. A partir de este foco, se aborda la posibilidad de que estas herramientas digitales sean mejor exploradas por unos grupos políticos que por otros, y las razones que explican esta diferencia. Para discutir esta cuestión se utiliza autores de la filosofía de la tecnología, de la teoría social y del psicoanálisis. Sin asumir necesariamente una diferenciación de contenido entre ideologías políticas, se propone esta distinción teniendo en cuenta que los impactos subjetivos y de movilización que producen estas herramientas digitales pueden ser asimilados y empleados de acuerdo con objetivos específicos. Se trata, por tanto, de un examen sobre los impactos que las redes sociales producen en los procesos de subjetivación y agrupación, y sus efectos políticos.