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BACKGROUND: U.S. firearm sales surged during the COVID-19 pandemic, with many purchases by first-time firearm owners. The 2023 National Survey of Gun Policy sought to understand the public health implications of this surge by comparing the purchasing motivations and firearm policy views of pandemic-era first-time purchasers to prior gun owners. METHODS: We fielded a nationally representative public opinion survey of U.S. adults (n = 3096) from 1/4/23 to 2/6/23. We oversampled for gun owners and Black, Hispanic, and Asian Americans. Survey weights were applied to generate representative estimates. New gun owners were identified through affirmative responses to: "Have you bought any guns since January 1, 2020?" and "Did you buy your first gun after January 1, 2020?" Recent purchasers were additionally asked whether concerns of 1) political or 2) racial violence motivated their purchase. Purchase motivations and gun policy support were examined among new and prior gun owners (n = 1002) and compared using logistic regression and predictive probabilities. RESULTS: Overall, 11% of respondents reported purchasing a gun since 1/1/20, 35% for the first time. Among recent purchasers, larger proportions of Democrat, Black, Asian, and Hispanic respondents were new gun owners than Republican or white respondents. Compared to prior owners, odds were 4.5-times higher that new gun owners' recent purchase was motivated by racial violence and 3.2-times higher for political violence. Majority support was found for protective gun policies, with few differences by purchase recency or motivations. The only policy for which support by new and prior gun owners differed significantly was the permit-to-purchase policy (76% v. 63%, respectively). Similarly, few significant differences in support were observed when stratifying by purchase motivation. Notably, both those who reported recent purchase motivations of racial violence and of political violence expressed significantly higher support for a "stand-your-ground" policy compared to those who did not report such motivations. CONCLUSIONS: Racial and political violence appear to be larger concerns among new gun owners, motivating purchasing among demographic groups with traditionally lower gun ownership rates. These findings suggest a need for safety assurances amid racial and political tensions and growing gun ownership. Gun owners' support for such policies remains strong.

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Background: There are numerous wars and ongoing political violence in Palestine and little is known about how they have affected Palestinian undergraduate students' mental health and coping strategies. This study aimed to assess the prevalence of depression, and anxiety symptoms and coping mechanisms among Palestinian university students during the times of current political violence in Palestine after October 7, 2023. Methods: A cross-sectional descriptive study design was utilized for a sample of students from 3 universities in Palestine (Al Quds University, Hebron University, and An-Najah University) and 1815 participants responded. Data were collected using self-reported questionnaires, including Hospital Anxiety and Depression Scale (HADS) and Brief COPE scale. Person correlation test, chi-square test, and bivariate analysis were performed to examine the associations between research variables. Results: The estimated prevalence of depression was 65.9, and 60.9% for anxiety. The logistic regression showed that students from the Arts Faculty, females, and those with working parents were significantly more likely to experience depression and anxiety symptoms. Also, active coping, emotional support, and humor reduced the likelihood of experiencing depression symptoms, while active coping, positive reframing, humor, and acceptance decreased the likelihood of developing anxiety symptoms. Further, the study found that using religion, self-blame, denial, and behavioral disengagement increased the likelihood of depression symptoms while planning, venting, religion, self-blame, denial, and behavioral disengagement increased the likelihood of anxiety symptoms. Conclusion: The study found that political violence often leads to symptoms of depression and anxiety among undergraduates. Furthermore, the use of maladaptive coping mechanisms increases the likelihood that these symptoms will occur. Providing immediate assistance to university students affected by political violence and conflicts is crucial for their emotional and mental recovery and coping with difficulties.

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Objective: This study investigates the association between replacement thinking, status threat perceptions, and the endorsement of political violence among non-Hispanic white adults in the United States. It explores how perceived threats to social status can drive support for extreme measures aimed at preserving white hegemony, addressing a gap in research on factors contributing to political violence, a public health concern. Methods: The 2022 Life in America Survey provided data for this cross-sectional study, focusing on status threat and replacement thinking among non-Hispanic white respondents. Status threat was inferred from relative income, education level, and racial segregation in residential census tracts, while replacement thinking was derived through agreement with the statement "in America, native-born white people are being replaced by immigrants." The outcome was the endorsement of political violence. Analysis utilized a survey-weighted robust modified Poisson model. Results: Among 5,976 non-Hispanic white respondents, 18.7 % supported political violence in at least one scenario. A U-shaped relationship was observed between racial segregation and political violence endorsement: respondents from more diverse communities were less likely to support political violence. Those endorsing replacement thinking were 233 %-229 % more likely to endorse political violence than those who did not, dependent on income levels. White respondents without a high school degree were 29 % more likely to endorse political violence. Conclusion: The study found a positive association between replacement thinking, markers of status threat, and political violence endorsements among non-Hispanic white Americans. These findings emphasize the need for research and interventions to mitigate these perceptions and prevent political violence.

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BACKGROUND: Surveys have found concerningly high levels of agreement that the United States will experience civil war soon. This study assesses variation in expectation of and perceived need for civil war with respondent sociopolitical characteristics, beliefs, firearm ownership, and willingness to engage in political violence. METHODS: Findings are from Wave 2 of a nationally representative annual longitudinal survey of members of the Ipsos KnowledgePanel, conducted May 18-June 8, 2023. All respondents to 2022's Wave 1 who remained in KnowledgePanel were invited to participate. Outcomes are expressed as weighted proportions and adjusted prevalence differences, with p-values adjusted for the false discovery rate and reported as q-values. RESULTS: The completion rate was 84.2%; there were 9385 respondents. After weighting, half the sample was female (50.7%, 95% CI 49.4%, 52.1%); the weighted mean (± standard deviation) age was 48.5 (25.9) years. Approximately 1 respondent in 20 (5.7%, 95% CI 5.1%, 6.4%) agreed strongly or very strongly that "in the next few years, there will be civil war in the United States." About 1 in 25 (3.8%, 95% CI 3.2%, 4.4%), and nearly 40% (38.4%, 95% CI 32.3%, 44.5%) of those who strongly or very strongly agreed that civil war was coming, also agreed strongly or very strongly that "the United States needs a civil war to set things right." Expectation of and perceived need for civil war were higher among subsets of respondents who in Wave 1 were more willing than others to commit political violence, including MAGA Republicans, persons in strong agreement with racist beliefs or statements of the potential need for violence to effect social change, persons who strongly approved of specified extreme right-wing political organizations and movements, firearm owners who purchased firearms in 2020 or later, and firearm owners who carried firearms in public all or nearly all the time. CONCLUSIONS: In 2023, the expectation that civil war was likely and the belief that it was needed were uncommon but were higher among subsets of the population that had previously been associated with greater willingness to commit political violence. These findings can help guide prevention efforts.

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People who suffer political violence (PV) are at risk of developing mental illness, chronic noncommunicable diseases, chronic pain, and decreased life expectancy. However, these indicators have been studied primarily in war veterans and refugees. The objective of this study was to estimate the prevalence of chronic musculoskeletal pain (CMP) and central sensitization-related symptoms (CSRS) in Chilean victims of PV during the 1973 to 1990 dictatorship. A cross-sectional observational multicenter study was conducted. Three hundred twenty-five people from six centers of a Ministry of Health of Chile program participated. The presence of CMP was determined by a history of pain ≥3 months, and CSRS was determined using the central sensitization inventory. About 69.23% of the sample had CMP (76.85% of females and 56.56% of males). About 60% of people with CMP showed a high level of CSRS severity (66.67% females and 44.93% males). Females presented significantly higher proportions of CMP (p < .001), and there was an association between CSRS severity and being female (p = .004). Chilean victims of PV during the 1973 to 1990 dictatorship presented a high prevalence of CMP and high-level CSRS severity. Both conditions affected females more than males. Future studies are needed to further delve into these variables' behavior and their influence on the quality of life in this population.

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BACKGROUND: A 2022 survey in the USA found concerningly high prevalences of support for and personal willingness to engage in political violence, of beliefs associated with such violence, and of belief that civil war was likely in the near future. It is important to determine the durability of those findings. METHODS: Wave 2 of a nationally representative cohort survey was conducted May 18-June 8, 2023; the sample comprised all respondents to 2022's Wave 1. Outcomes are expressed as weighted proportions; changes from 2022 to 2023 are for respondents who participated in both surveys, based on aggregated individual change scores. RESULTS: The completion rate was 84.2%; there were 9385 respondents. After weighting, 50.7% (95% confidence interval (CI) 49.4%, 52.1%) were female; weighted mean (SD) age was 48.5 (25.9) years. About 1 in 20 respondents (5.7%, 95% CI 5.1%, 6.4%) agreed strongly/very strongly that "in the next few years, there will be civil war in the United States," a 7.7% decrease. In 2023, fewer respondents considered violence to be usually/always justified to advance at least 1 of 17 specific political objectives [25.3% (95% CI 24.7%, 26.5%), a 6.8% decrease]. However, more respondents thought it very/extremely likely that within the next few years, in a situation where they consider political violence justified, "I will be armed with a gun" [9.0% (95% CI 8.3%, 9.8%), a 2.2% increase] and "I will shoot someone with a gun" [1.8% (95% CI 1.4%, 2.2%), a 0.6% increase]. Among respondents who considered violence usually/always justified to advance at least 1 political objective, about 1 in 20 also thought it very/extremely likely that they would threaten someone with a gun (5.4%, 95% CI 4.0%, 7.0%) or shoot someone (5.7%, 95% CI 4.3%, 7.1%) to advance such an objective. CONCLUSIONS: In this cohort, support for political violence declined from 2022 to 2023, but predictions of firearm use in political violence increased. These findings can help guide prevention efforts, which are urgently needed.

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INTRODUCTION: Youth involvement in violence and delinquency has received widespread attention in the literature. However, little is known about youth involvement in political violence, especially among youth who live in conflict areas. The current study examined the mechanisms that underlie youth involvement in serious physical and political violence. We explored the similarities and differences in the association between both individual factors (including religiosity and school commitment) and parental factors (including parental control and education), and the two types of violent behaviors. METHOD: A large representative sample of 814 Arab male students from neighborhoods located in East Jerusalem, aged 12-18 years, completed a structured, anonymous, self-report questionnaire. The data was collected between February and May 2019. RESULTS: Over half of the participants reported that they had been involved in political violence (55.1%) or serious physical violence (58.8%) during the previous year. Youth involvement in serious physical violence was positively associated with involvement in political violence. Furthermore, we found that greater parental control and lower impulsivity are associated with lower levels of political and physical violence. School commitment was associated negatively with serious physical violence but not with involvement in political violence. Youth work was positively correlated with involvement in political violence but not in serious physical violence. CONCLUSION: The results of the current study show that Arab youth from East Jerusalem are highly involved in political and serious physical violence. The risk and protective factors identified here should inform the design of specific intervention strategies.

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In this article, I examine 'underground memories' to demonstrate how they serve as resources for resistance in the margins of Colombia. I focus on their relations with the urban fabric, looking at the ways the walls of Bogota and Medellin are used as canvases for spreading images and narratives about the conflict. I suggest that murals representing the violence serve as a repository for memories; they challenge hegemonic narratives and contribute to the recovery of public space. This analysis draws on three case studies. In the first one, I examine the impact of a mural in Bogota that denounced extrajudicial killings involving the Colombian army. The second case focuses on a community initiative aimed at collecting testimonies from residents in a marginalized district of Medellin. Finally, the last case study analyses the touristification of some of the many murals depicting the violence in Medellin. I argue that, to different degrees, all the memorial projects presented in this study challenge state narratives. Through representations of murdered teenagers, suspect military officers and even drug cartel bosses, they raise questions of social justice, impunity, illegality and the dramatic banalization of violence in the country. They broaden the narrative on the recent past, through histories and images that the Colombian state is still reluctant to unearth.

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This study examines the profound impact of political violence and repression on the mental and physical health of Academics for Peace (AfP) in Turkey. The research combines quantitative and qualitative data to explore the interplay between violence, stigmatization, and health outcomes among the affected academics. This study particularly focuses on the aftermath of the State of Emergency in Turkey in 2016, which led to the dismissal of thousands of academics. We employ the World Health Organization's definition of violence to understand the broad nature of violent acts, encompassing power dynamics and systemic repression. The findings highlight the extensive physical and mental health consequences faced by AfP due to political violence. The prevalence of diagnosed mental illness among respondents is notably high, indicating that exposure to trauma, threats, and repression leads to severe mental distress. Anxiety, depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, and musculoskeletal diseases are among the common health issues reported. The research underscores how political violence disrupts psychosocial pillars including safety and security, bonds and networks, justice, roles and identities, and existential meaning, and explores how these disruptions contribute to communal mental health deterioration. It also identifies the impact on well-being of economic losses, uncertainties, and isolation from social and academic networks.

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BACKGROUND: Children exposed political violence deploy resources to maintain functioning, hope and life satisfaction. OBJECTIVE: We sought to explore whether or not children promote hope and life satisfaction trough agency, psychological difficulties, potentially traumatic experiences and symptoms in Palestine. PARTICIPANTS AND SETTING: 965 children (494 males and 471 females) in multiple geographical contexts, and areas were involved. METHODS: We administered the War Child Agency Assessment Scale, Child Hope Scale, Multilevel Students'Life Satisfaction Scale-Bref, the Strength and difficulties scale, the Child Revised Impact of events Scale, and Trauma Checklist, and performed regression analysis; hope and life satisfaction were dependent and agency, strength and difficulties, trauma symptoms and traumatic events independent variables. RESULTS: Specific forms of agency predicted life satisfaction (ß = 0.219; ** p < .01, social agency; ß = 0.11; ** p < .01, with agency in education) and hope (ß = 0.07; ** p < .05, agency on free movement), while mental difficulties (conduct problems, ß = -0.09; ** p < .01; hyperactivity, ß = -0.07; ** p < .05; ß = -0.15; ** p < .01 with life satisfaction) (conduct problems, ß = -0.06; ** p < .05, and difficulties in pro-social behaviour, ß = -0.21; ** p < .01 with hope), traumatic events (ß = -0.16; ** p < .01, with life satisfaction; ß = -0.15; ** p < .01, with hope) and trauma symptoms (ß = -0.09; ** p < .05, with hope) were negatively associated with the dependents variables. CONCLUSIONS: We found a positive role of social, educational, and freedom of movement agentic behaviours in fostering hope and life satisfaction.

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BACKGROUND: Current conditions in the USA suggest an increasing risk for political violence. Little is known about the prevalence of beliefs that might lead to political violence, about support for and personal willingness to engage in political violence, and about how those measures vary with individual characteristics, lethality of violence, political objectives that violence might advance, or specific populations as targets. METHODS: This cross-sectional US nationally representative survey was conducted on May 13 to June 2, 2022, of adult members of the Ipsos KnowledgePanel. Outcomes are weighted, population-representative proportions of respondents endorsing selected beliefs about American democracy and society and violence to advance political objectives. RESULTS: The analytic sample included 8620 respondents; 50.5% (95% confidence interval (CI) 49.3%, 51.7%) were female; and weighted mean (± standard deviation) age was 48.4 (± 18.0) years. Nearly 1 in 5 (18.9%, 95% CI 18.0%, 19.9%) agreed strongly or very strongly that "having a strong leader for America is more important than having a democracy"; 16.2% (95% CI 15.3%, 17.1%) agreed strongly or very strongly that "in America, native-born white people are being replaced by immigrants," and 13.7% (95% CI 12.9%, 14.6%) agreed strongly or very strongly that "in the next few years, there will be civil war in the United States." One-third of respondents (32.8%, 95% CI 31.7%, 33.9%) considered violence to be usually or always justified to advance at least 1 of 17 specific political objectives. Among all respondents, 7.7% (95% CI 7.0%, 8.4%) thought it very or extremely likely that within the next few years, in a situation where they believe political violence is justified, "I will be armed with a gun"; 1.1% (95% CI 0.9%, 1.4%) thought it very or extremely likely that "I will shoot someone with a gun." Support for political violence and for the use of firearms in such violence frequently declined with increasing age, education, and income. CONCLUSIONS: Small but concerning proportions of the population consider violence, including lethal violence, to be usually or always justified to advance political objectives. Prevention efforts should proceed urgently based on the best evidence available.

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We examined whether political repression deters citizens from engaging in anti-government behaviour (its intended goal) or in fact motivates it. Analyses of 101 nationally representative samples from three continents (N = 139 266) revealed a positive association between perceived levels of repression and intentions to engage in anti-government violence. Additional analyses of fine-grained data from three countries characterized by widespread repression and anti-government violence (N = 2960) identified a positive association between personal experience with repression and intentions to engage in anti-government violence. Randomized experiments revealed that thoughts about repression also motivate participation in anti-government violence. These results suggest that political repression, aside from being normatively abhorrent, motivates anti-repressor violence.

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Chronic exposure to ethnic-political and war violence has deleterious effects throughout childhood. Some youths exposed to war violence are more likely to act aggressively afterwards, and some are more likely to experience post-traumatic stress symptoms (PTS symptoms). However, the concordance of these two outcomes is not strong, and it is unclear what discriminates between those who are at more risk for one or the other. Drawing on prior research on desensitization and arousal and on recent social-cognitive theorizing about how high anxious arousal to violence can inhibit aggression, we hypothesized that those who characteristically experience higher anxious arousal when exposed to violence should display a lower increase in aggression after exposure to war violence but the same or a higher increase in PTS symptoms compared to those low in anxious arousal. To test this hypothesis, we analyzed data from our 4-wave longitudinal interview study of 1051 Israeli and Palestinian youths (ages at Wave 1 ranged from 8 to 14, and at Wave 4 from 15-22). We used the 4 waves of data on aggression, PTS symptoms, and exposure to war violence, along with additional data collected during Wave 4 on the anxious arousal participants experienced while watching a very violent film unrelated to war violence (N = 337). Longitudinal analyses revealed that exposure to war violence significantly increased both the risk of subsequent aggression and PTS symptoms. However, anxious arousal in response to seeing the unrelated violent film (measured from skin conductance and self-reports of anxiety) moderated the relation between exposure to war violence and subsequent psychological and behavioral outcomes. Those who experienced greater anxious arousal while watching the violent film showed a weaker positive relation between amount of exposure to war violence and aggression toward their peers but a stronger positive relation between amount of exposure to war violence and PTS symptoms.

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Cognitive style is considered an important determinant of individual behavior. The aim of the present study was to examine the relations between rational and experiential thinking styles, coping styles and Post Traumatic Stress (PTS) symptoms among civilians exposed to continuous and ongoing exposure to political violence. Three-hundred and thirty-two Israeli adult citizens living in the south region of Israel reported on their experiences of exposure to political violence as well as level of PTS, coping styles, and preference toward rational and experiential processing style. Results showed that low rational thinking was related with elevated PTS, both directly and indirectly through the mediation of high emotion-focused coping. The findings suggest that rational thinking may serve as a protective factor against stress related to chronic exposure to political violence; conversely, a preference for low rationality may be a risk factor.

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This article reconstructs and analyzes the memories of women who were in the city of Valparaíso on September 11, 1973, the day of the coup d'état in Chile. Research participants were six women from the Valparaíso region, militants of leftist parties, and survivors of political imprisonment and torture during the Chilean civil-military dictatorship. We conducted a focus group and two semi-structured individual interviews. Data analysis was carried out in two stages: the first one phenomenological-hermeneutic and the second one based on Grounded Theory. The research results show that the day of the coup d'état in Valparaíso is remembered by women as a mighty and irrevocable milestone, functioning as a biographical event. The coup d'état means a before and after in civic experiences in social, political, and historical aspects and in the dwelling manners of the city.

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Between 2014 and 2018 there was an unprecedented wave of jihadist terrorist activity in Austria that was mostly related to the "Islamic state." Meanwhile, many individuals have been or are gradually being released from prison. While many were able to disengage, two prevented and sentenced foreign fighters planned attacks in Vienna, one of them succeeded. In order to better understand this type of perpetrator, files of a cohort of 56 convicted jihadist terrorist offenders were analyzed. Half of this cohort were foreign fighters or attempted to become foreign fighters, while others contributed for instance by spreading propaganda, recruiting and assuming leadership. Additionally, a focus group with probation officers and an interview were conducted. The results shed light on various sociodemographic variables showing that there was not one specific profile. Rather, the cohort appeared to be very diverse, being comprised of all genders, age groups and socioeconomic backgrounds. Furthermore, a considerable crime-terror nexus was found. Thirty percent of the cohort had had a criminal past before their engagement in violent extremism. A fifth of the cohort had a prison experience before the arrest for the terrorist offense. The criminal offenses of the cohort were typical for the general population of probation clients which backs the notion that many terrorist offenders belonged to the same population and had switched from "traditional" crime to terrorism.

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Violence against humanitarians is a commonplace phenomenon in contemporary armed conflict. This paper examines how the manipulation of international legal principles for political or military purposes, a practice known as 'lawfare', impacts humanitarian security in conflict-affected areas. Drawing on a case study of the Syrian conflict (2011-), it finds that lawfare has been used to legitimate systematic civilian targeting by pro-government forces and to delegitimise the delivery of aid to opposition-held areas of the country. Efforts to use legal measures to promote civilian welfare-by way of sanctions or demands for cross-border humanitarian access-have been taken as evidence of Western attempts to politicise humanitarian considerations and international law. In practice, this has meant increased security risks for aid workers and impunity for those implicated in the violence. The paper concludes by calling for more critical research on lawfare and politicisation of international law as part and parcel of civilian protection in conflict-affected areas.

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Hate crime is a pervasive problem across societies. Though perpetrators represent a small share of the population, their actions continue in part because they enjoy community support. But we know very little about this wider community of support; existing surveys do not measure whether citizens approve of hate crime. Focusing on Germany, where antiminority violence is entrenched, this paper uses original surveys to provide systematic evidence on the nature and impacts of hate crime support. Employing direct and indirect measures, I find that significant shares of the population support antirefugee hate crime and that the profile of supporters is broad, going much beyond common perpetrator types. I next use a candidate choice experiment to show that this support has disturbing political consequences: among radical right voters, hate crime supporters prefer candidates who endorse using gun violence against refugees. I conclude that a significant number of citizens empower potential perpetrators from the bottom-up and further legitimize hate crime from the top-down by championing violence-promoting political elites.

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Violent radicalization continues to be a global problem. One of the main proposals for understanding radicalization and support for political violence is based on social alienation as a trigger. That is, individuals who feel alienated from society try to get out of this situation by using violence, if necessary. However, social alienation alone is not enough to explain radicalization. Therefore, we propose that social alienation interacts with other factors to foster radicalization. Particularly, we propose that obsessive passion, an internal compulsion that leads a person to engage in an activity even when they should not, is one of the interacting factors. Following previous literature, we hypothesized that higher social alienation predicts support for political violence to a greater extent the higher the obsessive passion. To test this hypothesis, we performed two studies in which the cause of passion varied (religion: N = 652 and family: N = 873). Both studies assessed social alienation, harmonious and obsessive passion, and support for political violence. The results showed a significant increase in the effect of social alienation on support for political violence when obsessive passion was higher, even controlling by harmonious passion. These results highlight the importance of considering other variables related to social alienation that could facilitate radicalization processes, particularly maintaining an obsessive passion for a cause when one feels a social disconnection. The theoretical and practical implications of these results are discussed given their contributions to prevention based on work on feelings of social disconnection and harmonization of causes.

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El objetivo del presente estudio fue adaptar culturalmente y desarrollar la versión colombiana del test Adverse Childhood Experiences y explorar sus propiedades psicométricas. Metodología: participaron cinco jueces expertos para validar el contenido de la versión adaptada y 100 estudiantes universitarios para realizar la confiabilidad y validez del constructo. Resultados: El instrumento Adverse Childhood Experiences versión Colombia es autoaplicable de 16 ítems y mide cuatro factores o Subsescalas: violencia sociopolítica y desastres naturales, abusos, desafíos domésticos, y negligencia física y emocional. Esta versión mostro una muy buena validez de contenido (k=0,83-1,00), una consistencia interna fuerte y perfecta (0,95) y una validez de constructo que muestra un contenido discriminante importante de las cuatro Subsescalas o factores con el 57% de la varianza. Conclusiones: el Adverse Childhood Experiences versión colombiana es confiable para medir experiencias traumáticas en la infancia y eventos traumáticos por violencia sociopolítica y desastres naturales en población universitaria colombiana.

Objective: The objective of the present study was to culturally adapt and develop the colombi-an version of the Adverse Childhood Experiences test and explore its psychometric properties. Methodology: five expert judges participated to validate the content of the adapted version and 100 university students to perform the reliability and validity of the construct. Results: The Adverse Childhood Experiences instrument, colombia version, is self-applied with 16 items and measures four factors or Subscales: sociopolitical violence and natural disasters, abuse, domestic challenges, and physical and emotional neglect. This version showed a very good content validity (k = 0.83-1.00), a strong and perfect internal consistency (0.95) and a construct validity that shows an important discriminant content of the four subscales or factors with 57% of the variance. Conclusions: The Adverse Childhood Experiences Colombian version is reli-able to measure traumatic experiences in childhood and traumatic events due to socio-political violence and natural disasters in Colombian university population

Objetivo: O objetivo deste estudo foi adaptar culturalmente e desenvolver a versão colombiana do teste Adverse Childhood Experiences e explorar suas propriedades psicométricas. Metodolo-gia: participaram cinco juízes especialistas para validar o conteúdo da versão adaptada e 100 uni-versitários para realizar a confiabilidade e validade do construto. Resultados: A versão colombi-ana do instrumento Adverse Childhood Experiences é autoaplicável com 16 itens e mede quatro fatores ou subescalas: violência sociopolítica e desastres naturais, abuso, desafios domésticos e negligência física e emocional. Esta versão apresentou uma validade de conteúdo muito boa (k=0,83-1,00), uma consistência interna forte e perfeita (0,95) e uma validade de construto que mostra um conteúdo discriminante importante das quatro subescalas ou fatores com 57% da variância. Conclusões: a versão colombiana das Experiências Adversas da Infância é confiável para medir experiências traumáticas na infância e eventos traumáticos devido à violência socio-política e desastres naturais na população universitária colombiana

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