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Like most historical leaders, Israel's fourth prime minister, Golda Meir, is a controversial figure. Some consider her the worst prime minister in Israel's history, who was responsible for Israel's lack of preparedness for the Yom Kippur War, and others perceive her to be the only 'man' who stood in the way of Arabs' countries victory over Israel. Some view her to be conservative, not brilliant, dogmatic, masculine, and racist, and some others, as a simple, modest, warm, and empathetic woman. The authors bridge between these two conflicting views by employing theories of identity, culture, and gender role bias to investigate how Golda Meir's early age trauma caused by pogroms against Jews, cultural transition between Russia, the USA, and Mandatory Palestine, and serving as a powerful woman leader in an all-men political system, influenced her personal and political behaviour and her public image.

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It is well-documented that economic inequality can harm political stability and social cohesion. In six experiments (total N = 1,907) conducted in China and the United Kingdom, we tested our primary hypothesis that high (vs. low) economic inequality leads to voters' reduced preferences for competent political leaders. Across studies, this prediction was consistently supported by experimental evidence, regardless of the voter's social status. We also found that high (vs. low) economic inequality indirectly diminished preferences for competent political leaders through heightened perceptions that politicians were less inclined to care about the populace in a highly (vs. lowly) unequal societal context. In essence, our findings underscore the idea that economic inequality curtails voters' preferences for competent political leaders by amplifying their concerns about politicians' indifference to the populace. It also stresses the need for policies and practices to address economic inequality and maintain the vitality of democracy.

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Objective: The following scoping review is aimed at identifying leadership competency frameworks in Undergraduate Medical Education (UME) by analyzing the thematic scopes, target audiences, and methods involved. A further objective is to compare the frameworks against a standard framework. Methods: The authors extracted the thematic scope and methods of each framework based on the original author's formulations in each selected paper. The target audience was divided into three sections: UME, medical education, and beyond medical education. The frameworks were converged and diverged against the public health leadership competency framework. Results: Thirty-three frameworks covering thematic scopes such as refugees and migrants were identified. The most common methods to develop leadership frameworks were reviews and interviews. The courses targeted multiple disciplines including medicine and nurses. The identified competency frameworks have not converged among important domains of leadership such as systems thinking, political leadership, leading change, and emotional intelligence. Conclusion: There is a variety of frameworks that support leadership in UME. Nevertheless, they are not consistent in vital domains to face worldwide health challenges. Interdisciplinary and transdisciplinary leadership competency frameworks which address health challenges should be used in UME.

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This paper explores the influence of political leaders' populist communication styles on public adherence to government policies regarding COVID-19 containment. We adopt a mixed-methods approach that combines: theory building with a nested multicase study design for Study 1 and an empirical study in a natural setting for Study 2. Based on the results from Studies 1 and 2, we develop two propositions that we further explain theoretically: (P1) countries with political leaders associated with engaging or intimate populist communication styles (i.e., the UK, Canada, Australia, Singapore, and Ireland) exhibit better public adherence to their governments' COVID-19 movement restrictions than do countries with political leaders associated with communication styles that combine the champion of the people and engaging styles (i.e., the US); (P2) the country whose political leader is associated with a combination of engaging and intimate populist communication styles (i.e., Singapore) exhibits better public adherence to the government's COVID-19 movement restrictions than do countries whose political leaders adopted solely engaging or solely intimate styles, namely, the UK, Canada, Australia, and Ireland. This paper contributes to the research on political leadership in crises and populist political communication.

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The HIV response in the African continent over past decades demonstrates the potency that the words and actions of political leaders have in either expediting or impeding the implementation and adoption of preventive measures at the individual and community levels. The article explores the health communication approaches employed by two South African past presidents (Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma) in responding to the HIV epidemic, and contrasts these with the communicative approach of President Cyril Ramaphosa during the COVID-19 pandemic. Approached from this understanding, this article provides a comparative analysis of the communication approaches of these three presidencies across the two pandemics, and considers the variously trusted sources of top-down, government-driven and bottom-up, community-informed approaches to health communication. Critical lessons that emerged in South Africa during the HIV epidemic regarding the need to include communities in communicating about risks and behaviour change have not been adopted into the COVID-19 response. Political leaders are not best placed to communicate about these issues, and, in the context of pandemics, there is a clear need to reconsider top-down communication approaches that are designed without the participation of communities and ignore the interconnected nature of health and other social determinants of health.

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Evidence from earlier studies on COVID-19 suggests that the countries led by female leaders were more successful in handling the COVID-19. India being a patrilocal society evident that women's political autonomy in the Gram Panchayat does miracles concerning development. With this backdrop, the present paper aims to explore the role of women's political participation and leadership on the efficiency in reducing the COVID-19 death rate for Indian states. This predominantly empirical paper is entirely based on secondary data compiled from different sources. The empirical analysis of the paper is facilitated by the utilization of the Technical Inefficiency Effects model within the framework of Stochastic Production Frontier. The empirical results accredit us to conclude that the efficiency of the Indian states in reducing the COVID-19 death rate is highly influenced by female political participation and leadership, digitalization, urbanization, and literacy rate. The study ends with suitable policy prescriptions.

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Despite the challenges facing small economies, leadership research has given scant attention to leaders' behaviour in those countries during crises. Using seemingly paradoxical domains of paternalistic leadership theory: authoritarian, benevolent and moral leader behaviour, together with concepts like populism from the political science domain, we analyse how Sri Lanka's 'strongman' President provided a façade of paternalistic leadership during the first phase of the COVID-19 pandemic. Through analysis of written and verbal content (public speeches, independent reports and government media output), we show how the power exercised through authoritarian, as opposed to authoritative behaviour, together with espoused morality and benevolence, appears to have been effective in the short term in containing the pandemic. However, sustained success in dealing with the crisis is hampered by the contradictions between this paternalistic façade and the dark realities of authoritarian and populist leadership. Accordingly, we offer theoretical insights into how the darker elements of paternalistic leadership can be better understood and averted.

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The HIV response in the African continent over past decades demonstrates the potency that the words and actions of political leaders have in either expediting or impeding the implementation and adoption of preventive measures at the individual and community levels. The article explores the health communication approaches employed by two South African past presidents (Thabo Mbeki and jacob Zuma) in responding to the HIV epidemic, and contrasts these with the communicative approach of President Cyril Ramaphosa during the COVID-19 pandemic. Approached from this understanding, this article provides a comparative analysis of the communication approaches of these three presidencies across the two pandemics, and considers the variously trusted sources of top-down, government-driven and bottom-up, community-informed approaches to health communication. Critical lessons that emerged in South Africa during the HIV epidemic regarding the need to include communities in communicating about risks and behaviour change have not been adopted into the COVID-19 response. Political leaders are not best placed to communicate about these issues, and, in the context of pandemics, there is a clear need to reconsider top-down communication approaches that are designed without the participation of communities and ignore the interconnected nature of health and other social determinants of health.

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In political games, a good reputation is an invaluable asset. Hence, this research intends to expand the current understanding of the determinants of success imperative for the reputation of local political leaders. This article reviews the literature on reputation management, as well as empirical cases, to elucidate the reputational success factors of political leaders. Empirically, this study targets tenured mayors in Norway to distinguish key sources of their political reputation, which can be practically beneficial for political leadership. The theories delineated in the literature regarding political leadership were used to construct a typology containing three constructs to analyse political reputations. The findings in this article reveal that the key elements from behavioural, symbolic, and ethical constructs are important and should act in concert to build a good reputation. Within a system with limited formal political powers, efforts are needed to build soft power networks that provide the capacity to act. Politicians can learn ways to secure their support and enhance their power base from the identified reputational success factors.

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Existing research has identified numerous barriers to the adoption of public health policies for alcohol, including the cross-cutting nature of the policy problem and industry influence. Recent developments in Ireland suggest that while formidable, such barriers can be overcome. Ireland's 2018 alcohol legislation adopts key evidence-based measures, introducing pricing, availability and marketing regulations that are world-leading in public health terms. Drawing primarily on the Multiple Streams Approach (MSA), this study investigates the adoption of the Public Health (Alcohol) Act 2018. We draw data from 20 semi-structured interviews with politicians, government advisors, public health experts, and advocates, as well as from relevant primary documents, newspaper articles, and other material in the public domain. We find that increased public attention to alcohol-related harms in Ireland (problem stream), developments within the institutional location of policymaking (the policy stream), and the political pressure exerted by politicians and advocates (the political stream) all combined to open a policy window. Unlike previous alcohol policy reform efforts in Ireland, several personally committed and well-positioned leaders championed policy change. This study suggests that political leadership might be important in understanding why public health approaches to alcohol have been embraced in some contexts but not in others.

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Shared social identifications (family, community, nation, humanity) predict normative actions and psychological well-being and can be invoked discursively by leaders to mobilize their followers. We illustrate the potential for harnessing shared identities to mobilize resilient public responses against COVID-19. Study 1 explored which patterns of social identification predicted protective behaviors (personal hygiene, physical distancing), prosocial actions (helping proximal and distal others), and psychological well-being (mental well-being, depressive symptoms, anxiety) among 560 U.K. adults surveyed during lockdown. Study 2 contrasted Prime Minister Ardern's use of identity-based rhetoric to mobilize New Zealanders, with Prime Minister Johnson's use of individualistic appeals to the U.K. public. Our findings suggest how political leaders might beneficially use social identities in communications about extreme events.

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This study examined the role of women's political leadership at the community level in China, a context that has experienced recent political and socioeconomic change and has a distinctive rural-urban divide. Drawing on longitudinal data from the China Family Panel Studies (N range = 40,918-52,406 person-year observations), we found that female community directors outnumbered male directors in urban China but were much less common in rural areas. Female community directors had higher levels of human capital regardless of rural or urban location. Residents living in female-directed communities reported better mental health but not physical health or life satisfaction compared to those living in male-directed communities, and this association was most robust among rural women. For rural women, the mental health benefit of living in female-directed communities was partially explained by reduced personal experience of gender discrimination, suggesting that female leadership fosters ideational change toward women that lowers discriminatory behaviors among constituents.

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The Covid-19 pandemic that swept the world in 2020 demanded action from political leaders around the world to lead their people through the crisis. Leadership in a crisis involves a range of activities, such as making responsive decisions, communicating those decisions to the public, envisioning goals, generating trust and cooperation, and appealing for collective actions. Effective communication plays an essential role in this process. New Zealand has been regarded as a successful case globally in its crisis response to the Covid-19 pandemic. This study investigates the role of language and discourse in New Zealand's Covid-19 crisis leadership and communication practices. Informed by an interactional sociolinguistics approach, the study draws on frame analysis, positioning theory, and rhetorical analysis to examine how the Prime Minister, Jacinda Ardern, her leadership team, and New Zealand mainstream media jointly negotiated and co-constructed the leadership discourse. Drawing on a corpus of 98 New Zealand government press briefings, a selected subset of press briefings surrounding significant events at the beginning of the first wave (March 2020) and second wave (August 2020) were coded and analyzed. The study identified a range of discursive strategies employed by Ardern at press briefing speeches and the question and answer sessions. Multiple self-positionings of Ardern and interactive positionings of the virus, the New Zealand government, and New Zealanders were identified. Ardern's metaphorical framings of the crisis as a 'fight' and the response as a collective action provided the basis for rhetorical appeals to the public in the management of the pandemic. A close examination of the ways Ardern responded to media resistance of her discursive framing demonstrated that New Zealand leadership during the pandemic was not only discursively constructed, but also jointly and collaboratively achieved by multiple actors.

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Previous research has sought to explain the rise of right-wing populist leaders in terms of the evolutionary framework of dominance and prestige. In this framework, dominance is defined as high social rank acquired via coercion and fear, and prestige is defined as high social rank acquired via competence and admiration. Previous studies have shown that right-wing populist leaders are rated as more dominant than non-populist leaders, and right-wing populist/dominant leaders are favoured in times of economic uncertainty and intergroup conflict. In this paper, we explore and critique this application of dominance-prestige to politics. First, we argue that the dominance-prestige framework, originally developed to explain inter-personal relationships within small-scale societies characterised by face-to-face interaction, does not straightforwardly extend to large-scale democratic societies which have frequent anonymous interaction and complex ingroup-outgroup dynamics. Second, we show that economic uncertainty and intergroup conflict predict a preference not only for dominant leaders, but also for prestigious leaders. Third, we show that perceptions of leaders as dominant or prestigious are not fixed, and depend on the political ideology of the perceiver: people view leaders who share their ideology as prestigious, and those who oppose their ideology as dominant, whether that ideology is liberal or conservative. Fourth, we show that political ideology is a stronger predictor than economic uncertainty of preference for Donald Trump vs Hillary Clinton in the 2016 US Presidential Election, contradicting previous findings that link Trump's success to economic uncertainty. We conclude by suggesting that, if economic uncertainty does not directly affect preferences for right-wing populist leaders, other features of their discourse such as higher emotionality might explain their success.

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The COVID-19 pandemic is not just a health crisis - it is a full-blown economic and social crisis that is impacting the lives and livelihoods of billions of people. This commentary examines the mutually dependent relationship between health security and universal health coverage (UHC), and how the longstanding underinvestment in both renders us all vulnerable. It also discusses the vulnerability of services for sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) in times of crisis, which is compounded when these services are not included and well integrated into national UHC packages. It concludes with a call for stronger political leadership for UHC and SRHR as the global community strives to "build back better" after COVID-19.

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From many perspectives, the election of Donald Trump was seen as a departure from long-standing political norms. An analysis of Trump's word use in the presidential debates and speeches indicated that he was exceptionally informal but at the same time, spoke with a sense of certainty. Indeed, he is lower in analytic thinking and higher in confidence than almost any previous American president. Closer analyses of linguistic trends of presidential language indicate that Trump's language is consistent with long-term linear trends, demonstrating that he is not as much an outlier as he initially seems. Across multiple corpora from the American presidents, non-US leaders, and legislative bodies spanning decades, there has been a general decline in analytic thinking and a rise in confidence in most political contexts, with the largest and most consistent changes found in the American presidency. The results suggest that certain aspects of the language style of Donald Trump and other recent leaders reflect long-evolving political trends. Implications of the changing nature of popular elections and the role of media are discussed.

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After his abdication in November 1918, the German emperor Wilhelm II continued to haunt the minds of his people. With the abolition of the lese-majesty laws in the new republic, many topics that were only discussed privately or obliquely before could now be broached openly. One of these topics was the mental state of the exiled Kaiser. Numerous psychiatrists, physicians and laypeople published their diagnoses of Wilhelm in high-circulation newspaper articles, pamphlets, and books shortly after the end of the war. Whether these diagnoses were accurate and whether the Kaiser really was mentally ill became the issue of a heated debate.This article situates these diagnoses of Wilhelm II in their political context. The authors of these diagnoses - none of whom had met or examined Wilhelm II in person - came from all political camps and they wrote with very different motives in mind. Diagnosing the exiled Kaiser as mentally ill was a kind of exorcism of the Hohenzollern rule, opening the way for either a socialist republic or the hoped-for rule of a new leader. But more importantly, it was a way to discuss and allocate political responsibility and culpability. Psychiatric diagnoses were used to exonerate both the Emperor (for whom the treaty of Versailles provided a tribunal as war criminal) and the German nation. They were also used to blame the Kaiser's entourage and groups that had allegedly manipulated the weak-willed monarch. Medical concepts became a vehicle for a debate on the key political questions in interwar Germany.

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Conventional wisdom holds that party leaders matter in democratic elections. As very few voters have direct contact with party leaders, media are voters' primary source of information about these leaders and, thus, the likely origin of leader effects on party support. Our study focuses on these supposed electoral effects of the media coverage of party leaders. We examine the positive and negative effects of specific leadership images in Dutch newspapers on vote intentions. To this end, we combine an extensive automated content analysis of leadership images in the media with a panel data set, the Dutch 1Vandaag Opinion Panel (1VOP), consisting of more than fifty thousand unique respondents and 110 waves of interviews conducted between September 2006 and September 2012. The results confirm that media coverage of party leaders' character traits affects voters: Positive mediated leadership images increase support for the leader's party, while negative images decrease this support. However, this influence is not unconditional: During campaign periods, positive leadership images have a stronger effect, while negative images no longer have an impact on subsequent vote intentions.

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In some democratic contexts, there is a strong aversion to the directive, individualistic and masculine expressions of leadership that have come to dominate the study of political leadership. Such leadership is antithetical to consensus democracies in parts of continental Europe, where the antipathy to leadership has linguistic, institutional as well as cultural dimensions. Political-administrative and socio-cultural contexts in these countries provide little room for heroic expressions of leadership. Consequently, alternative forms of leadership and associated vocabularies have developed that carry profound practical relevance but that have remained underexplored. Based on an in-depth mixed-methods study, this article presents the Dutch mayoralty as an insightful and exemplary case of what can be called 'bridging-and-bonding leadership'; it provides a clear illustration of how understandings of democratic leadership can deviate from the dominant paradigm and of how leading in a consensus context brings about unique practical challenges for office holders. The analysis shows that the important leadership task of democratic guardianship that is performed by Dutch mayors is in danger of being overlooked by scholars of political leadership, as are consensus-oriented leadership roles in other parts of the world. For that reason, a recalibration of the leadership concept is needed, developing an increased theoretical sensitivity towards the non-decisive and process-oriented aspects of the leadership phenomenon. This article specifies how the future study of leadership, as a part of the change that is advocated, can benefit from adopting additional languages of leadership.

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BACKGROUND: The HIV/AIDS epidemic has become a point of important political concern for governments especially in Sub-Saharan Africa. Clinical and public health interventions to curb the epidemic can be greatly enhanced with the strategic support of political leaders. OBJECTIVE: We analyzed the role of national political leadership in large-scale HIV/AIDS communications campaigns in 14 countries in Sub-Saharan Africa. METHODS: We primarily reviewed grey and white literature published from 2005-2014. We further triangulated data from in-person and phone interviews with key public health figures. RESULTS: A number of themes emerged supporting political leaders' efforts toward HIV/AIDS program improvement, including direct involvement of public officials in campaign spearheading, the acknowledgment of personal relationship to the HIV epidemic, and public testing and disclosure of HIV status. Areas for future improvement were also identified, including the need for more directed messaging, increased transparency both nationally and internationally and the reduction of stigmatizing messaging from leaders. CONCLUSIONS: The political system has a large role to play within the healthcare system, particularly for HIV/AIDS. This partnership between politics and the health must continue to strengthen and be leveraged to effect major change in behaviors and attitudes across Sub-Saharan Africa.

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