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People sometimes protest government corruption, yet our current understanding of why they do so is culturally constrained. Can we separate pancultural factors influencing people's willingness to protest government corruption from factors culturally specific to each socioecological context? Surprisingly little cross-cultural data exist on this important question. To fill this gap, we performed a cross-cultural test of the Axiological-Identitary Collective Action Model (AICAM) regarding the intention to protest against corruption. As a collective action framework, AICAM integrates three classical antecedents of collective action (injustice, efficacy, identity) with axiological variables (ideology and morality). A total sample of 2,316 participants from six countries (Nigeria, Russia, India, Spain, United States, Germany) in a multilevel analysis of AICAM predictions showed that the positive relationship of the intention to protest corruption with moral obligation, system-based anger, and national identification can be considered pancultural. In contrast, the relationships between system justification and perceived efficacy are culturally specific. System justification negatively predicted the intention to participate only in countries with high levels of wealth, while perceived efficacy positively predicted it only in countries perceived as less corrupt. These findings highlight the importance of accounting features of socioecology and separating pancultural from culture-specific effects in understanding collective action.

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A growing literature finds that the way governments are organized can impact the societies they serve in important ways. The same is apparent with respect to civil service organizations. Numerous studies show that the recruitment of civil servants based on their credentials rather than on nepotism or patronage reduces corruption in government. Political corruption in turn appears to harm population health. Up to this time, however, civil service organization is not a recognized determinant of health and is little discussed outside of political science disciplines. To provoke a broader conversation on this subject, the following study proposes that meritocratic recruitment of civil servants improves population health. To test this proposition, a series of regression models examines comparative data for 118 countries. Consistent with study hypotheses, meritocratic recruitment of civil servants corresponds longitudinally with both lower rates of corruption and lower rates of infant mortality. Results are similar after robustness checks. Findings with regard to life expectancy are more mixed. However, additional tests suggest meritocratic recruitment contributes to life expectancy over a longer span of time. Findings also offer more support for a direct pathway from meritocratic recruitment to population health rather than via changes in corruption levels per se, although this may depend on a country's level of economic development. Overall, this study offers first evidence that civil service organization, particularly the recruitment of civil servants based on the merits of their applications rather than on whom they happen to know in government, is a positive determinant of health. More research in this area is needed.

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Central America science production on biodiversity topics is important in planning future adaptive and conservation policies in a climate-related risk region that is considered a biodiversity hotspot but has the lowest Human Development Index of Latin America. Science production on biodiversity is related to geo-referenced species occurrence records, but the accessibility depends on political frameworks and science funding. This paper aims at foregrounding how the democratic shifts throughout the years have had an impact on science production on biodiversity research, and species records. For this exploration we developed a novel systematic scientometric analysis of science production on biodiversity topics, we used Bio-Dem (open-source software of biodiversity records and socio-political variables) and briefly analyzed the history-from 1980 to 2020-of Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Panama. With a data set of 16,304 documents, our analysis shows the significant discrepancies between the low science production of Central American Northern countries (Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua), the prolific production from the Southern (Costa Rica and Panama), and how this relates to democratic stability. Scientific production tends to be more abundant when democratic conditions are guaranteed. The state capture phenomenon and colonial-rooted interactions worldwide have an effect on the conditions under which science is being produced in Central America. Democracy, science production, funding, and conservation are core elements that go hand in hand, and that need to be nourished in a region that struggles with the protection of life and extractive activities in a climate change scenario.

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While studies have explored how health sector corruption, weak healthcare system, large-scale immune compromised population, misinformation and prevalence of highly congested slums contribute to the spread of COVID-19 in Nigeria, they have glossed over the impact of political distrust on the spread of the virus. This study explores the impact of political distrust on the spread of COVID-19 pandemic in Nigeria. The study utilised qualitative dominant mixed methods approach comprising telephone interviews and a survey of 120 educated Nigerians purposively selected from four COVID-19 most affected states including Lagos, Oyo, Kano and Rivers as well as the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. The study also relied on secondary data on the spread of COVID-19 in Nigeria sourced from Nigeria Centre for Diseases Control from 27 February to 31st August 2020. The study found that political corruption motivates large-scale political distrust. This undermines public compliance to government protocols, limits the outcomes of government responses to COVID-19 and facilitates the spread of the virus in Nigeria. The paper concludes that improving government accountability in the public sector management is relevant for building public trust, promoting citizens' compliance to COVID-19 safety measure and mitigating the spread of the pandemic in Nigeria and beyond.

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