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The #MeToo movement of 2017 ushered in a wave of online disclosure of sexual victimization. The ways in which people respond to the disclosure of sexual victimization can play an important role in a survivor's recovery process. This study conducted an exploratory structural equation model (ESEM) of a questionnaire aimed at characterizing the ways in which others respond to the disclosure of sexual victimization in online spaces. Participants (N = 767) were recruited via social media to participate in a study of disclosure of unwanted sexual experiences, with 25.4% (n = 195) endorsing disclosing an unwanted sexual experience online using the hashtag #MeToo and were included in analyses. Participants completed the Online Social Reactions Questionnaire (OSRQ). The questionnaire included all 16 original items from the Short Version of the Social Reactions Questionnaire (SRQ). An additional 8 items specific to online disclosure, not covered by the SRQ were added at the end, bringing the proposed OSRQ to a total of 24 items. The updated measure included the 16 original items of the Short Version of the SRQ as well as 8 additional items, for a total of 24 items. ESEM confirmed the OSRQ as a 23-item measure with a four-factor structure: (a) Turning Against+, (b) Unsupportive Acknowledgment, (c) Positive Support+, and (d) Online Sharing; model fit: χ2(186) = 387.125, p < .001, CFI = 0.976, RMSEA = 0.074 (90% CI [0.064, 0.085]), SRMR = 0.034. The OSRQ revealed excellent Cronbach's alpha (α = .93) and McDonald's Omega (ω = .93). The OSRQ represents a new measure that can be used to characterize the way in which others respond to online disclosure of sexual victimization.

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The Internet offers an alternative context in which personal experiences with sexual violence can be shared. It has been suggested that victims experience lower barriers to disclosing their stories in a digital environment due to an online disinhibition effect and mainly anonymity. However, little is known about the lived experiences of victims who have shared their experiences online regarding these disinhibiting affordances of the Internet. Twenty-three interviews with victims were conducted to understand the digital affordances involved in the online disclosure of sexual victimization. The results suggest that the Internet offers several opportunities (visibility management, asynchronicity, and connectivity) and constraints (lack of non-verbal communication, disclosing online is irreversible, and Internet as a source of triggers) when disclosing sexual violence victimization online. We learn that disclosures are informed by previous experiences and weighed against digital affordances. Victims use multiple platforms or multiple accounts on the same platform and manipulate anonymity and visibility through the settings of online platforms. The Internet offers a potential for informal online peer support. The results have practical implications for victims, clinicians, and support providers for guiding the disclosure process. Furthermore, a re-evaluation and nuance of the online disinhibition theory is suggested. Suggestions for future research are made.

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Social reactions to the disclosure of sexual victimization are critical to post-assault recovery. The popular social media hashtag "#MeToo" resulted in numerous survivors of sexual victimization disclosing their experience online. Whereas previous research has examined the association between social reactions to in-person disclosure of sexual victimization and factors commonly associated with adjustment among survivors - such as coping and social support - research is needed to examine correlates of social reactions to online disclosure of sexual victimization. Accordingly, the current study investigated the relationship between online social reactions to the disclosure of sexual victimization via #MeToo and engagement in various coping strategies (problem-focused coping, emotion-focused coping) and social isolation among a sample of 195 adults with a history of sexual victimization. Results indicated that the provision of online resources was associated with lower use of problem-focused and emotion-focused coping strategies. Receipt of online emotional and informational support was associated with increased use of emotion-focused coping strategies. Further, receipt of online social reactions that turned against the survivor and receipt of online social reactions that "made fun of you, insulted you, or said something to hurt you" were associated with higher levels of social isolation. Lastly, online unsupportive acknowledgment and "sharing your tweet with other people" were associated with lower levels of social isolation. Results highlight how online social reactions to disclosure of sexual victimization via #MeToo intersect with coping and social support among survivors of sexual victimization and help to give context to the experience of online disclosure of sexual victimization.

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Sexual victimization is a major public health concern with significant consequences for survivors, their families, and society at large. Studies examining in-person disclosure of sexual victimization suggest that the way others respond to disclosure has a significant impact on survivors' well-being. With the advent of social media, more survivors are choosing to disclose their experience online. Research is needed to understand how social reactions to online disclosure of sexual victimization impact survivors. Accordingly, the current study examined the association between online social reactions to the disclosure of sexual victimization and symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms in a sample of 195 individuals who disclosed their experience online via the hashtag #MeToo. Symptoms of PTSD were positively associated with the level of assault severity reported by the survivor, as well as receipt of online social reactions to disclosure via #MeToo that made fun, insulted, or said something to hurt the survivor. Online social reactions to disclosure via #MeToo that involved turning away from the survivor or providing unsupportive acknowledgment of the experience were unrelated with PTSD symptoms. PTSD symptoms were also not associated with the receipt of positive online social reactions to disclosure via #MeToo. Like research addressing in-person social reactions to disclosure of sexual victimization, some forms of online negative social reactions to disclosure of sexual victimization via #MeToo appear to be associated with worse psychological outcomes among survivors. Thus, online disclosure of sexual victimization and its impact needs to be attended to in clinical and research settings.

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We map the available scientific literature on how and why victims of sexual violence use digital platforms in the aftermath of victimization. Twenty-four empirical studies on sexual victimization and online disclosure were identified by systematically searching Web of Science and PsycINFO, checking reference lists, and consulting authors about relevant publications. The literature on online disclosure of sexual victimization does not yield a coherent picture. International literature pays limited attention to the various components of online disclosure like the characteristics of victims who disclosure online and the characteristics of the disclosure messages. Most studies focused on motivations for and reactions to online disclosure. Victims of sexual violence disclose sexual victimization online to seek support for clarification and validation, unburdening, documenting, seeking justice, informing others, or commercial goals (individual-oriented disclosure) and to provide support, educate, and as a form of activism (other-oriented disclosure). Responses to online disclosure are predominantly positive. Negative responses are rare. This review provides a comprehensive overview of multidisciplinary empirical information and displays knowledge gaps in victimological research. Future research should use robust quantitative and/or qualitative designs with substantial sample sizes, comparing victims who do disclose their sexual victimization online to victims who do not and comparing disclosure on different online platforms to increase generalizability. Potential for online support is identified, in which online disclosure can serve as a relatively safe alternative to off-line disclosure. This offers points of intervention for assistance and victim support in facilitating the use of the internet for support for victims of sexual violence.

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Universities are now becoming more active in the field of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR). Nevertheless, they do not appear to be granting the same degree of importance to the dissemination of these activities. This article analyses the voluntary corporate social responsibility information disclosed by leading USA universities. We created several indexes of corporate social responsibility information disclosure and examined main universities' characteristics that affect corporate social responsibility disclosure by these entities. The findings obtained show that the universities are strongly committed to the dissemination of corporate social responsibility information, and that a university's size, affiliation, public/private status and ranking position are the factors most significantly affecting its online disclosure of general corporate social responsibility information. These findings could be useful for university administrators, especially those in public universities, highlighting the importance of developing and supporting policies and incentives to promote CSR disclosure and thus attract new students and meet social expectations about the ethical behaviour of universities.

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Little attention has been given academically to empirically tested theoretical frameworks that aim at measuring the risk of adolescents falling victim to cybergrooming. To this end, we have applied the routine activity theory (RAT) to investigate whether exposure to motivated offenders (PC/laptop ownership and Internet access in one's own bedroom), capable guardianship (parental mediation strategies of Internet use), and target suitability (adolescents' online disclosure of private information) might predict cybergrooming victimization among adolescents. Using data from a cross-sectional survey of 5,938 adolescents from Germany, India, South Korea, Spain, Thailand, and the United States, ranging in age from 12 to 18 (M = 14.77, SD = 1.60), we found that PC/laptop ownership and Internet access in one's own bedroom, parental mediation, and online disclosure are all directly associated with cybergrooming victimization. Although instructive parental mediation is negatively related to online disclosure and cybergrooming victimization, restrictive mediation is positively related to both. In addition, online disclosure partially mediated the relationship between parental mediation and cybergrooming victimization. The analyses confirm the effectiveness of applying RAT to cybergrooming. Moreover, this study highlights the need for prevention programs, including lessons on age-appropriate information and communication technology usage and access, to educate parents on using instructive strategies of Internet mediation, and inform adolescents about how to avoid disclosing too much private information online. RAT could function as a theoretical framework for these programs.

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OBJECTIVE: This study investigates how people use the Internet to search for an altruistic kidney donor. Although many opinion pieces on this phenomenon have been written, this is the first qualitative study focused on online kidney solicitation from the potential recipient's point of view. METHODS: Eight participants - four who successfully found donors and four who were still searching - were interviewed, and inductive content analysis was performed. RESULTS: Three themes appear in our data: choosing to go online to find a donor, information hubs, and information flow. These themes emphasize the process of information seeking and disclosure when using the Internet to find an altruistic kidney donor. CONCLUSION: The benefits from searching online are not limited to the possibility of finding a kidney donor. Our participants also experience a wide variety of socially supportive activities from their online networks. Additionally, our participants felt that the potential benefits of finding a donor online outweighed risks to their privacy. PRACTICE IMPLICATIONS: Not all potential recipients will find a kidney donor online. Participants indicated that through sharing educational information, staying positive, and actively maintaining their online solicitation efforts they received numerous social benefits even if they did not find a kidney donor.

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