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OBJECTIVE: To evaluate whether community factors that differentially affect the health of pregnant people contribute to geographic differences in infant mortality across the US. STUDY DESIGN: This retrospective cohort study sought to characterize the association of a novel composite measure of county-level maternal structural vulnerabilities, the Maternal Vulnerability Index (MVI), with risk of infant death. We evaluated 11 456 232 singleton infants born at 22 0 of 7 through 44 6 of 7 weeks' gestation from 2012 to 2014. Using county-level MVI, which ranges from 0 to 100, multivariable mixed effects logistic regression models quantified associations per 20-point increment in MVI, with odds of death clustered at the county level and adjusted for state, maternal, and infant covariates. Secondary analyses stratified by the social, physical, and health exposures that comprise the overall MVI score. Outcome was also stratified by cause of death. RESULTS: Rates of death were higher among infants from counties with the greatest maternal vulnerability (0.62% in highest quintile vs 0.32% in lowest quintile, [P < .001]). Odds of death increased 6% per 20-point increment in MVI (aOR: 1.06, 95% CI 1.04, 1.07). The effect estimate was highest with theme of Mental Health and Substance Abse (aOR 1.08; 95% CI 1.06, 1.09). Increasing vulnerability was associated with 6 of 7 causes of death. CONCLUSIONS: Community-level social, physical, and healthcare determinants indicative of maternal vulnerability may explain some of the geographic variation in infant death, regardless of cause of death. Interventions targeted to county-specific maternal vulnerabilities may reduce infant mortality.

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Researchers use public records from deceased individuals to identify trends in manners and causes of death. Errors in the description of race and ethnicity can affect the inferences researchers draw, adversely impacting public health policies designed to eliminate health inequity. Using the New Mexico Decedent Image Database, we examine: 1) the accuracy of death investigator descriptions of race and ethnicity by comparing their reports to those from next of kin (NOK), 2) the impact of decedent age and sex on disagreement between death investigators and NOK, and 3) the relationship between investigators' descriptions of decedent race and ethnicity and cause and manner of death from forensic pathologists (n = 1813). Results demonstrate that investigators frequently describe race and ethnicity incorrectly for Hispanic/Latino decedents, especially regarding homicide manner of death and injury and substance abuse causes of death. Inaccuracies may cause biased misperceptions of violence within specific communities and affect investigative processes.

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The commodification of healthcare and the structural violence towards the migrant population in the Chilean system materialize in a series of structural barriers to accessing healthcare. In the face of this structural vulnerability, cross-border health mobility is one of the primary resources of indigenous border migrants living in the Tarapacá region (Chile). This involves crossing the border of both people (specialists/patients) and objects (such as ritual supplies or biomedicines), which play a crucial role as, in many cases, it is the only way to satisfy their healthcare needs. The security-orientated geopolitics of border closure (Plan Frontera Segura) has been reinforced by immobility policies linked to the COVID-19 pandemic. While doing so leaves people without the fundamental resource of healthcare mobility or obliges them to cross the border via unauthorized crossings, exposing them to criminalization and abuse by different agents of violence (the military, people smugglers, etc.). In this paper, we will offer a description of these processes of (im)mobility, analyzing their conformation both by the current policies of the Chilean State and by the notorious deficiency in indigenous and migrant rights, denouncing the material impact they have on the health/illness/care process of indigenous migrants.

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INTRODUCTION: This article aims to increase understanding of how Mexican immigrants respond to learning about non-alcoholic fatty liver disease (NAFLD), a spectrum disease with a heavy burden among Mexican-origin people. METHODOLOGY: This article presents findings from qualitative interviews (n = 26) that formed part of a mixed-methods study of foreign-born Mexican immigrants carried out in 2019 to 2020 in southern Arizona to assess NAFLD awareness. RESULTS: We documented common experiences of surprise, fear, and hope during study participation, all of which motivated research participants to reduce their NAFLD risk by seeking additional information, sharing it with others, and making lifestyle changes. DISCUSSION: Understanding how these emotional experiences are tied to cultural and historical factors-including Mexico's high rates of liver disease, participant's limited access to health care, and the ability to address the NAFLD risk with lifestyle changes-may promote the development of more effective and culturally congruent care in this population.

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The Mexico-Guatemala border is the site of significant movement of people whose principal destination is the USA. The first step, to cross Mexico, is considered as one of the most dangerous routes in the world for undocumented migrants. For some male migrants and displaced persons from Honduras, El Salvador and Guatemala, initiating sex work in the Mexican border city of Tapachula has become a way to earn money to survive during the trip northward - providing funds to keep traveling and decrease the danger of being killed or kidnaped by organized crime groups. Non-injected drug use during sex work with men and/or women is a common praxis for this purpose, and is linked to HIV risk activities such as unprotected sex. Our study is based on ethnographic fieldwork with observation and interviews and within a relational approach understanding the processes subject/structure, sociopolitical/cultural and global/local, not as oppositions, rather as linkages visible through actors' points of view and praxis. The productions of politics and cultures related to structural vulnerability to HIV infection are embedded in local and global borderization processes where legal and illegal transnational forces, states' frameworks and social groups play a linked role. The economies of structural, symbolic and direct violence affect migratory patterns, institutional interactions and social and cultural relations with the local population. In this context, social representations and praxis about unprotected sex and drug use are the locus of struggling bodies at the border.

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INTRODUCTION: As a group, transwomen in Peru have the highest prevalence of HIV (>20%) in the country, but they have little access to HIV prevention, testing and care services. Until recently, Peru's national HIV programme did not recognize transwomen and had remained essentially static for decades. This changed in December 2014, when the Ministry of Health expressed its commitment to improve programming for transwomen and to involve transwomen organizations by prioritizing the development of a "Targeted Strategy Plan of STIs/HIV/AIDS Prevention and Comprehensive Care for Transwomen." DISCUSSION: A policy dialogue between key stakeholders - Peru's Ministry of Health, academic scientists, civil society, transgender leaders and international agencies - created the conditions for a change in Peru's national HIV policy for transwomen. Supported by the effective engagement of all sectors, the Ministry of Health launched a plan to provide comprehensive HIV prevention and care for transwomen. The five-year plan includes new national guidelines for HIV prevention, care and support, and country-level investments in infrastructure and equipment. In addition to new biomedical strategies, the plan also incorporates several strategies to address structural factors that contribute to the vulnerability of transwomen. We identified three key factors that created the right conditions for this change in Peru's HIV policy. These factors include (1) the availability of solid evidence, based on scientific research; (2) ongoing efforts within the transwomen community to become better advocates of their own rights; and (3) a dialogue involving honest discussions between stakeholders about possibilities of changing the nation's HIV policy. CONCLUSIONS: The creation of Peru's national plan for HIV prevention and care for transwomen shows that long-term processes, focused on human rights for transwomen in Peru, can lead to organizational and public-policy change.

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Since October 2013, US Customs and Border Patrol has apprehended 15,979 families on the Southwest Border of the US. Daily, migrating women and children from Mexico and Central America that qualify for humanitarian parole are released from immigration detention to a humanitarian aid organization in Southern Arizona. After several days in detention facilities, these families arrive tired, hungry, dehydrated, and with minimal direction regarding their final destination, and adherence to the parameters of their parole. Project helping hands (PHHs) utilizes a network of volunteers to provide the women and children with food, water, clothing, hygiene products, hospitality, and legal orientation. The aim of this assessment was to document the experiences of families granted humanitarian parole through the lens of structural vulnerability. Here, we apply qualitative methods to elicit PHH lead volunteer perspectives regarding the migration experience of migrating families. Using inductive analysis, we found six major themes emerged from the qualitative data: reasons for leaving, experience on the journey, dehumanization in detention, family separation, vulnerability, and resiliency. These findings elucidate the different physical and psychological distresses that migrating families from Mexico and Central America experience before, during and after their arrival at the US-Mexico border. We posit that these distresses are a result of, or exacerbated by, structural vulnerability. Structural vulnerability has life-long health implications for a sub-population of young mothers and their children. The number of migrating families who have experienced traumatic events before and during their migration experience continues to expand and thus warrants consideration of mental health surveillance and intervention efforts for these families. More public health research is needed to better understand and combat the health challenges of this growing population.

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This article examines experiences of returned migrants seeking mental health care at the public psychiatric hospital in Oaxaca, Mexico. Approximately one-third of the hospital's patients have migration experience, and many return to Oaxaca due to mental health crises precipitated by conditions of structural vulnerability and "illegality" in the United States. Once home, migrants, their families, and their doctors struggle to interpret and allay these "transnational disorders"-disorders structurally produced and personally experienced within the borders of more than one country. Considering how space and time shape illness and treatment among transnational migrants, I contend that a critical phenomenology of illegality must incorporate migrant experience and political economy on both sides of the border before, during, and after migration.

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