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BACKGROUND: Several countries are currently revising or have already revised their mental health laws to align with the global movement to reduce the use of coercive care. No government has yet fully implemented the recommendation of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UNCRPD) to eliminate the use of coercion in mental healthcare. Consequently, the international field of mental health law and policy is in a degree of flux. AIMS: To describe the rationale, development and protocol for a project that will map and examine how mental health laws, policies and service capacity across European countries relate to the use of coercive measures, including involuntary admissions and treatment, restraints and seclusion. This will help to better understand the current situation and explore future directions of policies regarding coercive care. METHOD: The project is being carried out under the purview of the European Cooperation in Science and Technology (COST) action network, entitled FOSTREN (Fostering and Strengthening Approaches to Reducing Coercion in European Mental Health Services). A multidisciplinary group of experts developed a comprehensive survey assessing mental health laws, policies and service frameworks, based on World Health Organization and UNCRPD recommendations. The survey was piloted in three countries, revised and disseminated to 30 FOSTREN country representatives. The survey will provide data for three strands of work on legislation, policies and service-level context. A comprehensive evaluation will be conducted, drawing on findings from all work packages. CONCLUSIONS: The project could inform the development of strategies, interventions and legislation to address gaps and promote compliance with international standards.

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Psychiatry shares most ethical issues with other branches of medicine, but also faces special challenges. The Code of Ethics of the World Psychiatric Association offers guidance, but many mental health care professionals are unaware of it and the principles it supports. Furthermore, following codes of ethics is not always sufficient to address ethical dilemmas arising from possible clashes among their principles, and from continuing changes in knowledge, culture, attitudes, and socio-economic context. In this paper, we identify topics that pose difficult ethical challenges in contemporary psychiatry; that may have a significant impact on clinical practice, education and research activities; and that may require revision of the profession's codes of ethics. These include: the relationships between human rights and mental health care, research and training; human rights and mental health legislation; digital psychiatry; early intervention in psychiatry; end-of-life decisions by people with mental health conditions; conflicts of interests in clinical practice, training and research; and the role of people with lived experience and family/informal supporters in shaping the agenda of mental health care, policy, research and training. For each topic, we highlight the ethical concerns, suggest strategies to address them, call attention to the risks that these strategies entail, and highlight the gaps to be narrowed by further research. We conclude that, in order to effectively address current ethical challenges in psychiatry, we need to rethink policies, services, training, attitudes, research methods and codes of ethics, with the concurrent input of a range of stakeholders, open minded discussions, new models of care, and an adequate organizational capacity to roll-out the implementation across routine clinical care contexts, training and research.

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BACKGROUND: For individuals with severe mental illness, involuntary assessment and/or treatment (hereafter detention) can be a necessary intervention to support recovery and may even be lifesaving. Despite this, little is known about how often these interventions are used for children and adolescents. METHODS: This global scoping review set out to: (1) map the current evidence around mental health detentions of children and adolescents (< 18 years); (2) identify the clinical, sociodemographic, and behavioural factors associated with detention; and (3) document the views of professionals and young people on the implementation of mental health legislation. RESULTS: After searching databases of peer-reviewed literature and citation chaining, 42 articles from 15 jurisdictions were included. About one fifth of psychiatric admissions in national register data were detentions, however trends were only available for a few high-income Western countries. The circumstances justifying detention and the criteria authorising detention varied between studies, with a mix of clinical factors and observed behaviours reported as the reason(s) warranting/precipitating a detention. Particular groups were more likely to experience detention, such as children and adolescents from minority ethnic communities and those with a documented history of abuse. There was a notable absence of qualitative research exploring the views of professionals or children and adolescents on detention. CONCLUSION: Further research is needed to explore the impact of detention on those aged < 18 years, including national register-based studies and qualitative studies. This is particularly relevant in nations currently undergoing legislative reform.

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The Saudi Mental Health Care Law (SMHL) was established in 2014; however, no prior study has evaluated mental health professionals' perceptions or attitudes toward it. This cross-sectional study examines these aspects and their associated factors among psychiatrists, psychologists, social workers, and psychiatric nurses in Saudi Arabia (SA). The data were collected from 432 participants using an online electronic survey consisting of four sections, including the Mental Health Legislation Attitudes Scale (MHLAS). Psychiatrists comprised most participants (46.06%), followed by psychologists (36.34%). Most participants were 40 years of age or younger (83.10%). Of the 432 participants, 226 (52.31%) were females. Overall, 28.70% were unaware of the existence of the SMHL. A total of 172 (66.67%) out of 258 participants agreed that the legislation operates well in ensuring treatment for persons who require involuntary admission. There was a statistically significant association between specialty and opinions of treatment efficacy and care benefits of the SMHL (p = 0.031 and p < 0.001, respectively). Official implementation of SMHL in participants' facilities resulted in high MHLAS scores (p = 0.007). Reading or attending lectures and workshops related to the SMHL resulted in high MHLAS scores (p = 0.044 and p = 0.021, respectively). Negative opinions and uncertainty regarding the effect of SMHL on confidentiality were associated with low total MHLAS scores (p < 0.001). This study highlights the need to increase awareness of the SMHL among Saudi Arabian healthcare workers.

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In 2009, Egypt adopted the "Law for the Care of Mental Patients," a rights-based legislation intended to bring the country's mental health system-otherwise defined by resource gaps and chronic underfunding-closer to global standards of care. Yet, the new act stirred dissension among Egyptian psychiatrists. And, in the immediate aftermath of the 2011 uprising, debates about the 2009 law became intertwined with debates about the present and future of the 'new Egypt.' Based on field research in Cairo, this article provides an ethnographic analysis of the making of this mental health act and of the ensuing debates as they unfolded in 2011-2012. Showing the diverging perspectives at the core of these debates on psychiatric power, patient rights, and the law's fit in society, the article highlights the challenges of psychiatric reform in a country of the Global South. It also argues that in a context of revolutionary upheaval, debates about psychiatric reform become a site for political reflection and provide a language for imagining the future of the nation. The article also highlights the centrality of temporality in debating psychiatric reform in times of political transformation.

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Mental health law is a feature of mental health systems around the world, so legislative reform is an important way to advance compliance with the United Nations' Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD). This paper provides an overview of India's Mental Healthcare Act, 2017 in the context of Articles 12 ('Equal recognition before the law') and 14 ('Liberty and security of person'). Notwithstanding the potential of law to produce change, exclusive or disproportionate emphasis on law draws attention from other areas in need of equal if not greater reform, such as public education, mental health services, physical healthcare, social care networks, criminal justice systems, and gathering political backing for the profound reforms needed to transform the socio-economic landscapes in which mental illness develops, diagnoses are made, treatment is provided (or not provided), recovery occurs (or does not occur), and social citizenship is protected and promoted (or eroded and obstructed). There is a particular issue with misunderstandings of psychiatry in academic discussions of mental health legislation which appears to stem from lack of engagement with the full diversity of service-user views and the evidence base for psychiatric care. Greater recognition of upstream factors that shape both suffering and services would acknowledge that the decisions of politicians and service managers have a much greater impact on rights, especially the right to treatment and support, than the decisions of individual clinicians whose options are often very limited at the level of individual care. India's legislation seeks to address not only individual-level care, but also this higher level of reform through its articulation of an explicit 'right to access mental healthcare and treatment'. Similar multi-level legislative reform elsewhere would increase cooperation from all stakeholders, improve compliance with the CRPD, and help move towards zero coercion in mental health services.

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In Victoria, Australia, the introduction of a new state Mental Health Act (MHA) in 2014 resulted in changes to the workload and type of work undertaken by trainee psychiatrists. In addition to long working hours, workload intensity is most often cited by trainees as a factor that leads to fatigue, with trainees often taking work home or doing overtime in order to fulfill work responsibilities and satisfy training requirements. This administrative burden is compounded by the high emotional burden associated with the practice of psychiatry, including patient suicides, aggression, and threats. This study aimed to explore the impact of these legislative changes on psychiatry trainees' stress and well-being, using a qualitative research methodology involving semi-structured interviews. Despite reporting that the length and number of reports they were preparing under the new MHA had increased, as had the amount of time spent at Tribunal hearings, psychiatry trainees were understanding of the necessity of MHA changes in improving patient rights. The trainees did not express a desire for the MHA changes to be reversed, but rather recognition by their workplaces that changes are also needed at a ground level-such as an increase in staff numbers-to accommodate for these. While mental health legislative changes are designed to improve the system and better protect patient rights, measures must also be taken to ensure that any policy-level changes are adequately adjusted for in hospital staffing levels.

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Independent mental health advocacy was introduced in England to protect and promote the rights of people detained under mental health legislation. However, shortcomings in access and delivery to racialised people, raising concerns about equity, were identified by a review of the Mental Health Act. The development of culturally appropriate advocacy was recommended. While the term culturally appropriate may be taken for granted it is poorly defined and limited efforts have conceptualized it in relation to advocacy. Ideally, advocacy operates as a liberatory practice to challenge epistemic injustice, which people experiencing poor mental health are at acute risk of. This is amplified for people from racialised communities through systemic racism. This paper argues that advocacy and culturally appropriate practices are especially relevant to racialised people. It clarifies the importance of culture, race and racism to the role of advocacy, and understanding advocacy through the conceptual lens of epistemic injustice. A central aim of the paper is to draw on and appraise cultural competency models to develop a conceptual framing of cultural appropriate advocacy to promote epistemic justice.

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While the ethics of involuntary admission for psychiatric inpatient care is widely contested, the practice is legally permissible across most jurisdictions. In many countries, laws governing the use of involuntary admission set out core criteria under which involuntary admission is permitted; these parameters broadly related to either risk of harm to self or others, need for treatment, or both. In South Africa, the use of involuntary admission is governed by the Mental Health Care Act no. 17 of 2002 (MHCA 2002), which sets out clear criteria to direct mental healthcare practitioners' decision-making and delineates a process by which decision-making should occur. However, recent research suggests that, in practice, the process of decision-making differs from the procedure prescribed in the MHCA 2002. To further explore how decision-making for involuntary admission occurs in practice, we interviewed 20 mental healthcare practitioners, all with extensive experience of making involuntary admission decisions, working in district, regional, and tertiary hospitals across five provinces. We also interviewed four mental health advocates to explore patient-centered insights. Our analysis suggests that the final decision to involuntarily admit individuals for a 72-h assessment period under the MHCA 2002 was preceded by a series of 'micro-decisions' made by a range of stakeholders: 1) the family's or police's decision to bring the individual into hospital, 2) a triage nurse's decision to prioritise the individual along a mental healthcare pathway in the emergency centre, and 3) a medical officer's decision to sedate the individual. Practitioners reported that the outcomes of each of these 'micro-decisions' informed aspects of their final decision to admit an individual involuntarily. Our analysis therefore suggests that the final decision to admit involuntarily cannot be understood in isolation because practitioners draw on a range of additional information, gleaned from these prior 'micro-decisions', to inform the final decision to admit.

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This month's issue of BJPsych International focuses on psychiatry in Sri Lanka, with articles on suggested improvements in education and training, the country's outdated legislation regarding involuntary psychiatric treatment, and the misuse of prescription medications.

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BACKGROUND: Mental health legislation permits involuntary care of patients with severe mental disorders who meet set legal criteria. The Norwegian Mental Health Act assumes this will improve health and reduce risk of deterioration and death. Professionals have warned against potentially adverse effects of recent initiatives to heighten involuntary care thresholds, but no studies have investigated whether high thresholds have adverse effects. AIM: To test the hypothesis that areas with lower levels of involuntary care show higher levels of morbidity and mortality in their severe mental disorder populations over time compared to areas with higher levels. Data availability precluded analyses of the effect on health and safety of others. METHODS: Using national data, we calculated standardized (by age, sex, and urbanicity) involuntary care ratios across Community Mental Health Center areas in Norway. For patients diagnosed with severe mental disorders (ICD10 F20-31), we tested whether lower area ratios in 2015 was associated with 1) case fatality over four years, 2) an increase in inpatient days, and 3) time to first episode of involuntary care over the following two years. We also assessed 4) whether area ratios in 2015 predicted an increase in the number of patients diagnosed with F20-31 in the subsequent two years and whether 5) standardized involuntary care area ratios in 2014-2017 predicted an increase in the standardized suicide ratios in 2014-2018. Analyses were prespecified (ClinicalTrials.gov NCT04655287). RESULTS: We found no adverse effects on patients' health in areas with lower standardized involuntary care ratios. The standardization variables age, sex, and urbanicity explained 70.5% of the variance in raw rates of involuntary care. CONCLUSIONS: Lower standardized involuntary care ratios are not associated with adverse effects for patients with severe mental disorders in Norway. This finding merits further research of the way involuntary care works.

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WHAT IS KNOWN ON THE SUBJECT?: 'Leave' is a common occurrence for patients detained in mental health settings. The term covers multiple scenarios, for example short periods to get off the ward through to extended periods at home prior to discharge. Despite the frequency and importance of leave, there is very little research about how it is implemented and whether, and in what circumstances, it is effective. While there is legislation about leave in the Mental Health Act (1983) mental health services are free to implement their own policies or not to implement one at all. WHAT THE PAPER ADDS TO EXISTING KNOWLEDGE?: The leave policies of NHS mental health services in England and Wales are highly inconsistent. The extent to which policies are consistent with guidance differs depending on which service is providing care. WHAT ARE THE IMPLICATIONS FOR PRACTICE?: It is very likely that, because of inconsistencies between services and policies, practice also differs. Clinicians need to understand their responsibilities in the leave process to ensure that patients are supported in their recovery journey. Policymakers need to revisit leave policies in light of evidence from this study. ABSTRACT: INTRODUCTION: Considerable guidance is available about the implementation of leave for detained patients, but individual mental health services are free to determine their own policies. AIM: To determine how consistent leave policies of NHS mental health services in England and Wales are with relevant guidance and legislation. METHOD: A national audit of NHS mental health services leave policies. Data were obtained through web searching and Freedom of Information requests. Policies were assessed against 65 criteria across four domains (administrative, Responsible Clinician, types of leave and nursing). Definitions of leave-related terms were extracted and analysed. RESULTS: Fifty-seven (91.9%) policies were obtained. There were considerable inconsistencies in how policies were informed by relevant guidance: Domain-level consistency was 72.3% (administrative), 64.0% (Responsible Clinician), 44.7% (types of leave) and 41.9% (nursing). Definitions varied widely and commonly differed from those in relevant guidance. DISCUSSION: Mental health professionals are inconsistently supported by the policy in their leave-related practice. This could potentially contribute to inconsistent practice and leave-related patient outcomes. IMPLICATIONS FOR PRACTICE: To ensure patients are treated fairly clinicians need to be aware of their responsibilities around leave. In some services, they will need to go beyond their organization's stated policy to ensure this occurs.

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There is a marked paucity of publications on the policy and legislation of mental health, and substance use disorders in the public domain in Qatar. Qatar National Vision provides a framework for national strategies and the State of Qatar has developed policies and legislation dedicated to mental health and substance use. In doing so, Qatar has adopted international guidance to shape its mental health services and relevant policy and legislation. This article is a narrative description of the evolution of the mental health and substance use policy and legislation in Qatar.

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BACKGROUND: The aim of the study was to explore patients' attitudes towards voluntary and involuntary hospitalization in Norway, and predictors for involuntary patients who wanted admission. METHODS: A multi-centre study of consecutively admitted patients to emergency psychiatric wards over a 3 months period in 2005-06. Data included demographics, admission status (voluntary / involuntary), symptom levels, and whether the patients expressed a wish to be admitted regardless of judicial status. To analyse predictors of wanting admission (binary variable), a generalized linear mixed modelling was conducted, using random intercepts for the site, and fixed effects for all variables, with logit link-function. RESULTS: The sample comprised of 3.051 patients of witch 1.232 (40.4%) were being involuntary hospitalised. As expected 96.5% of the voluntary admitted patients wanted admission, while as many as 29.7% of the involuntary patients stated that they wanted the same. The involuntary patients wanting admission were less likely to be transported by police, had less aggression, hallucinations and delusions, more depressed mood, less use of drugs, less suicidality before admission, better social functioning and were less often referred by general practitioners compared with involuntary patients who did not want admission. In a multivariate analysis, predictors for involuntary hospitalization and wanting admission were, not being transported by police, less aggression and less use of drugs. CONCLUSIONS: Almost a third of the involuntary admitted patients stated that they actually wanted to be hospitalized. It thus seems to be important to thoroughly address patients' preferences, both before and after admission, regarding whether they wish to be hospitalized or not.

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The article provides a brief overview of the legislation governing involuntary admissions to psychiatric hospitals in Luxembourg. The legislation was completely overhauled in 2009 and several human rights principles are enshrined into it. Emphasis is placed on voluntary, community-based treatment, and where compulsory treatment is required, it uses the least restrictive treatment option. Mentally ill offenders are dealt with through separate specialist legislation. Young people under the age of 18 are often detained using family law.

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International variability and shifting trends in forensic psychiatry lead to gaps in national service provision and needs for service development. This study explores these needs through the subjective narratives of those involved in Finnish forensic services, either as forensic psychiatric patients, their parents, or service providers. Data was gathered by means of thematic interview and subjected to thematic analysis. Three main themes emerged: (1) pre-treatment challenges, (2) institutional/treatment-related concerns about therapeutic security and (3) adapting and recovery. The research highlights the need to develop forensic psychiatric services at three levels. First, it calls for increased risk awareness and risk assessment skills at the general psychiatric level. Second, it emphasizes the need for increased therapeutic engagement throughout the rehabilitative process. Third, it calls for structured and meaningful post-discharge aftercare. At all three levels, gradated security-aware standardization and patient triage in forensic services would help to develop and maintain an intact care pathway. This would decrease offending, marginalization, and suffering. Only then can we begin to meet the requirements of the WHO European Mental Health Action Plan. These findings can contribute to the development of international, standardized treatment models for clinical forensic psychiatric practices.

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Countries are struggling with reconciling their national mental health legislation with the CRPD approach, which stresses equality as the focal point of legislation, policies, and practices that affect people with disabilities. Several failed attempts have been made over the last two decades to update Nigeria's obsolete mental health legislation. The most recent attempt is the Mental Health and Substance abuse Bill 2019, which aims to protect the rights of people with mental health needs. It addresses many areas neglected by previous bills, such as non-discrimination of people with mental and substance use problems in the exercise of their civil, political, economic, social, full employment, religious, educational, and cultural rights. It categorically prohibits the use of seclusion in the treatment of people with mental health problems, makes provision for service users to be members of the Mental health review tribunal and allows for the protection of privacy and confidentiality of information about people with mental health problems. While keeping to most of WHO's recommendations for mental health legislation, the bill diverges from the CRPD's recommendations by allowing forced admission and treatment based on mental capacity, substitute decision-making by legal representatives or closest relatives, and non-prohibition of coercive practices. The bill does not make provisions for advance directives and is silent on informed consent to participate in research. Despite the bill's deficiencies, it would be a significant step forward for the country, whose current mental health legislation is the Lunacy Act of 1958. Although the CRPD has left it unclear how countries, especially low resource countries, should go about creating a workable legal framework, it is clear that all countries are expected to join the current global effort to eliminate, or at least reduce to the barest minimum, the use of coercion in mental health care. We expect that future revisions of this bill will examine its limitations in light of Nigeria's socio-cultural context.

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The Mental Healthcare Act, 2017 (MHCA) of India is a landmark and welcome step towards centering persons with mental illness (PwMI) and recognizing their rights concerning their treatment and care decisions and ensuring the availability of mental healthcare services. As mentioned in its preamble, the Act is a step towards aligning India's laws or mental health (MH) policy with the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UNCRPD), which India ratified in 2007. Amidst several positives, the implementation of the Act has been marred by certain practical issues which are partly attributed to the inherent conceptual limitations. Countries across the globe, both High Income- and Low-and Middle-Income Countries, have enacted legislation to ensure that the rights of treatment and care of PwMI are respected, protected, and fulfilled. They have also provisioned quasi-judicial bodies (Mental Health Review Boards MHRBs/tribunals) for ensuring these rights. However, their structure and function vary. This paper compares the constitution and functioning of review boards across different countries and intends to provide future directions for the effective implementation and functioning of the MHRB under India's MHCA. This review found that effective implementation of the MHRB under MHCA is compromised by an ambitious, six-membered, constitution of the MHRB, lack of clarity about the realistic combination of the quorum to adjudicate decisions, inadequate human and financial resources, and an overstretched area of functioning. Although MHRB has been envisaged as a quasi-judicial authority to ensure the rights of PwMI, it needs to be made more pragmatic. The size and composition of the MHRB currently envisaged is likely to be a barrier in the establishment of the MHRB as well as its functioning. A smaller composition (3-5 membered) involving one psychiatrist, one judicial/legal member, and at least one PwMI or member from civil society having lived experience of working with PwMI or caregiver, could be a more pragmatic approach. The passing of this law also necessitates increasing the overall health budget, especially the mental health budget with funds earmarked specifically for the implementation of the law, which necessarily includes setting up the MHRB. An evaluation of the implementation of the MHRB, including its determinants, would be a useful step in this direction.

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BACKGROUND: In 2017, a capacity-based criterion was added to the Norwegian Mental Health Act, stating that those with capacity to consent to treatment cannot be subjected to involuntary care unless there is risk to themselves or others. This was expected to reduce incidence and prevalence rates, and the duration of episodes of involuntary care, in particular regarding community treatment orders (CTOs). AIMS: The aim was to investigate whether the capacity-based criterion had the expected impact on the use of CTOs. METHOD: This retrospective case register study included two catchment areas serving 16% of the Norwegian population (aged ≥18). In total, 760 patients subject to 921 CTOs between 1 January 2015 and 31 December 2019 were included to compare the use of CTOs 2 years before and 2 years after the legal reform. RESULTS: CTO incidence rates and duration did not change after the reform, whereas prevalence rates were significantly reduced. This was explained by a sharp increase in termination of CTOs in the year of the reform, after which it reduced and settled on a slightly higher leven than before the reform. We found an unexpected significant increase in the use of involuntary treatment orders for patients on CTOs after the reform. CONCLUSIONS: The expected impact on CTO use of introducing a capacity-based criterion in the Norwegian Mental Health Act was not confirmed by our study. Given the existing challenges related to defining and assessing decision-making capacity, studies examining the validity of capacity assessments and their impact on the use of coercion in clinical practice are urgently needed.