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The Latium area in Italy has yielded rich evidence of Lower Paleolithic sites with both faunal remains, artefacts, and human fossil remains, such as the Ceprano human skull. Many are the sites where lithic industry has been found in association with bone industry. Medium and large animals were a key resource because they provided an enormous amount of meat and fat. However, they were extensively exploited for their bones, rich in marrow, and as raw material for tool production. Bone tools are so far few documented for early period of time and especially for the Middle Pleistocene in Western Europe. We report here evidence of bone tools and their efficiency of use for hominin groups living in the Frosinone-Ceprano basin during the MIS 11/10, a key period which records behavioral innovations and onset of the Neanderthal behaviors. In three sites, Isoletta, Colle Avarone and Selvotta, several bone tools and bone flakes have been discovered (MIS 11/10). They were associated to stone artefacts part of the hominins tool-kit. Technological and use-wear analyses conducted on these bone industries, dated between 410 and 430 ka, yield relevant results to understand the effectiveness of the bones tools found associated with lithic series, including handaxes.

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Biased skeletal part representation is a key element for making inferences about transport decisions, carcass procurement, and use patterns in anthropogenic accumulations. In the absence of destructive taphonomic processes, it is often assumed that the abundance of different anatomical portions represents selective transport and discard patterns of human groups. Because body parts may be transported for specific products such as meat, marrow or grease, a pattern that usually attracts attention in many archaeological sites is the low proportions of appendicular epiphyses. Here we present the case of faunal assemblages from the lower stratigraphic sequence of Qesem Cave, Israel, dated to ca. 430 to 300 ka. All bone accumulations are characterized by a biased skeletal profile including mainly long-limb bones and a virtual absence of epiphyses. The assemblages also show density-mediated attrition not linked to fossil-diagenetic processes, a targeted specific destruction to the most greasy articular ends and an almost total absence of carnivore intervention. Our goal here is to explore the processes that entail the destruction of appendicular epiphyses at Qesem Cave, as well as propose viable hypotheses to explain their underrepresentation on-site. Our results shed light on the domestic activities linked to the processing of bones at the site and support the importance of animal grease in the caloric intake of Middle Pleistocene humans.

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A cutmarked bear metatarsal and phalanx from the German open-air sites of Schöningen 12 II-1 and 12 B, respectively, correlated with the interglacial optimum of MIS 9 (ca. 320 ka), provide early evidence for the exploitation of bear skins. Archaeological sites with evidence of bear exploitation from the Lower Paleolithic are rare, with only Boxgrove (United Kingdom) and Bilzingsleben (Germany) yielding cutmarked bear bones indicating skinning. We interpret these finds as evidence for bear hunting and primary access since bear skins are best extracted shortly after the animal's death. The very thin cutmarks found on the Schöningen specimens indicate delicate butchering and show similarities in butchery patterns to bears from other Paleolithic sites. The Eurasian Lower Paleolithic record does not show any evidence for the exploitation of bear meat; only Middle Paleolithic sites, such as Biache-Saint-Vaast (France; ca. 175 ka) and Taubach (Germany; ca. 120 ka), yield evidence for the exploitation of both skin and meat from bear carcasses. Bear skins have high insulating properties and might have played a role in the adaptations of Middle Pleistocene hominins to the cold and harsh winter conditions of Northwestern Europe.

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The Early Pleistocene site of Dmanisi is now well known for its large number of fossils of early Homo erectus as well as associated artifacts and faunal remains, recovered mainly in pipe-related geologic features. Testing in the M5 unit 100 m to the west of the main excavations revealed a thick stratigraphy with no evidence of pipes or gullies, indicating that the geologic record at Dmanisi included spatially distinct sedimentary environments that needed further investigation. Here we report the results of a geoarchaeological program to collect data bearing on contexts and formation processes over a large area of the promontory. That work has defined over 40,000 m2 of in situ deposits with artifacts and faunas. Stratum A ashes bury the uppermost Mashavera Basalt, which we have dated to 1.8 Ma in the M5 block. The Stratum A deposits contain stratified occupations that accumulated quickly and offer good potential for recovery of in situ materials. Stratum B1 deposits above the A/B unconformity include all of the pipe and gully facies at Dmanisi, reflecting a brief but very intense phase of geomorphic change. Those deposits contain the majority of faunas and all of the hominin fossils. B1 slope facies offer excellent formation contexts away from the piped area, and all B1 deposits are sealed by Stratum B2 over the whole promontory. Strata B2 to B5 register a return to slope facies, with no further evidence of pipes or gullies. Those deposits also present excellent contexts for recovery of in situ occupations. Overall, Dmanisi's geologic history preserves an exceptional record of the activities and environmental context of occupations during the first colonization of Eurasia.

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Marine Isotope Stages (MIS) 13-11 saw a major transformation in the hominin occupation of Europe, with an expansion in the scale and geographical distribution of sites and artifact assemblages. That expansion is explored here in the context of paleoenvironmental variability, focusing on geographical and chronological trends in climatic and habitat conditions at and between key Lower Paleolithic sites in Western Europe. Climatic conditions at British sites are compared across MIS 13-11, and used to test predicted values from the Oscillayers data set. Conditions at hominin and nonhominin sites are compared to explore possible limitations in hominin tolerances during MIS 13-11. Trends in conditions are explored with reference to long-term global patterns, short-term substage events, and seasonal variations. The apparent increase in the scale of hominin activity in north-western Europe during MIS 13 is surprising in light of the relatively harsh conditions of late MIS 13, and is likely to reflect significant physiological and/or behavioral adaptations, a mild south-north temperature gradient in western Europe during MIS 13, and the relatively mild, sustained conditions spanning MIS 15-13. The expanded occupation of north-western Europe during MIS 11 probably reflects the extended mild conditions of MIS 11c, since marked seasonal temperature differences and substantial behavioral changes between hominin sites in MIS 13 and 11 are not clearly evident. Site-specific conditions in south-western Europe during MIS 11 suggest milder winters, warmer summers, and reduced seasonal variability compared to north-western Europe. Some or all of these conditions may have supported larger, core populations, as may the relatively mild conditions associated with south-western European sites during MIS 12. Finally, comparisons between north-western and north-central European sites indicate relatively small differences in seasonal temperatures, suggesting that climate may only be a partial factor behind the smaller-scale occupations of north-central Europe during MIS 13-11.

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Pyrotechnology is a key element of hominin evolution. The identification of fire in early hominin sites relies primarily on an initial visual assessment of artifacts' physical alterations, resulting in potential underestimation of the prevalence of fire in the archaeological record. Here, we used a suite of spectroscopic techniques to counter the absence of visual signatures for fire and demonstrate the presence of burnt fauna and lithics at the Lower Paleolithic (LP) open-air site of Evron Quarry (Israel), dated between 1.0 and 0.8 Mya and roughly contemporaneous to Gesher Benot Ya'aqov where early pyrotechnology has been documented. We propose reexamining finds from other LP sites lacking visual clues of pyrotechnology to yield a renewed perspective on the origin, evolution, and spatiotemporal dispersal of the relationship between early hominin behavior and fire use.

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In this article, we describe an almost complete macaque mandible from the Middle Pleistocene locality Marathousa 1 in the Megalopolis Basin of southern Greece. The mandible belonged to a male individual of advanced ontogenetic age and of estimated body mass ∼13 kg. Comparative metric analysis of its teeth permits its attribution to the Barbary macaque Macaca sylvanus, a species that was geographically widely distributed in Western Eurasia during the Plio-Pleistocene. The dental dimensions of the Marathousa 1 macaque fit better within the variation of the Early Pleistocene M. s. florentina and the Middle to Late Pleistocene M. s. pliocena rather than with the extant representative M. s. sylvanus. Moreover, principal component analysis reveals a better match with M. s. pliocena. However, because no clear-cut diagnostic criteria have been defined to differentiate these European fossil subspecies, we attribute the Marathousa 1 specimen to M. s. cf. pliocena, in agreement with the chronology of the locality. Previously known only from the Early Pleistocene of Greece by some isolated teeth, this is the first record of Macaca in the Middle Pleistocene of the country and one of very few in the eastern sector of the peri-Mediterranean region. We discuss the presence of macaques in the paleolake environment of Marathousa 1, as well as their predation risks from both carnivores and hominins present at the locality.

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The recently discovered Nalai site is one of the Bose Basin localities, which is key to studying the earliest bifaces in China. The Nalai site has yielded an abundance of lithic artifacts, including bifaces and tektites in close association. The total fusion 40Ar/39Ar method was applied to four tektites discovered beside and contemporaneous with bifaces in the red laterite sediments of the upper levels of the T4 terrace (layers 4 and 5). Our 40Ar/39Ar data with a weighted mean age of 809 ± 12 ka provide for the first time unequivocal dates for bifacial production at Bose, broadly consistent with the precise Australasian tektite age of 788.1 ± 2.8 ka, recently published by other investigators. The relatively important errors reported here suggest sample contamination by clasts or bubbles for the oldest aliquots and alteration for the younger ones. The lithic assemblage from layers 4 and 5 of the Nalai site is quite similar to that found at other sites in the Bose Basin. The assemblages are dominated by choppers, but bifaces, picks, and unifaces give a Mode 2 and Acheulean-type character to the series. The high frequency of the round tongue-shaped tip, a low elongation index, and a wide and thick base characterize the Large Cutting Tools. These results contribute to resolving ongoing debates on the timing and origin of bifaces and the Acheulean in China.

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OBJECTIVES: As is the case among many complex motor tasks that require prolonged practice before achieving expertise, aspects of the biomechanics of knapping vary according to the relative experience/skill level of the practitioner. In archaeological experiments focused on the production of Plio-Pleistocene stone tools, these skill-mediated biomechanical differences have bearings on experimental design, the interpretation of results, and lithic assemblage analysis. A robust body of work exists on variation in kinematic patterns across skill levels but less is known about potential kinetic differences. The current study was undertaken to better understand kinetic patterns observed across skill levels during "Oldowan," freehand stone tool production. MATERIALS AND METHODS: Manual pressure data were collected from 23 novice and 9 expert stone tool makers during the production of simple stone flakes using direct hard hammer percussion. RESULTS: Results show that expert tool makers experienced significantly lower cumulative pressure magnitudes and pressure-time integral magnitudes compared with novices. In expert knappers, digits I and II experienced similarly high pressures (both peak pressure and pressure-time integrals) and low variability in pressure relative to digits III-V. Novices, in contrast, tended to hold hammerstones such that pressure patterns were similar across digits II-V, and they showed low variability on digit I only. DISCUSSION: The similar and consistent emphasis of the thumb by both skill groups indicates the importance of this digit in stabilizing the hammerstone. The emphasis placed on digit II is exclusive to expert knappers, and so this digit may offer osteological signals diagnostic of habitual expert tool production.

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During the reanalysis of the finds from Jelinek's and Ronen's excavations at Tabun Cave, Israel, we encountered a cobble bearing traces of mechanical alterations similar to those recorded on grinding tools. However, the artifact derives from the early layers of the Acheulo-Yabrudian complex of the late Lower Paleolithic (ca. 350 ka), a time with no evidence for grinding or abrasion. Accordingly, we sought to determine whether the traces on the artifact can be attributed to purposeful human action. We conducted a detailed use-wear analysis of the cobble and implemented an experimental program, gaining positive results for the hypothesis of purposeful human practice. We argue that the significance and novelty of early abrading technology is that it marks a new mode of raw material manipulation-one that is categorically different from other modes of tool use observed among earlier hominins or other primates and animals. Throughout the Early Pleistocene, use of stone tools was associated with vertical motions (battering, pounding, striking) or with the application of a thin or narrow working edge, leveled at cutting or scraping. Conversely, abrading consists in applying a wide working surface in a continuous sequence of horizontal motions, geared to modify or reduce the surfaces of a targeted material. The emergence of this technology joins additional behavioral changes recently identified and attributed to the Middle Pleistocene, illustrating the growing and diversifying capabilities of early hominins to harness technology to shape their environment.

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Quina scrapers are well-known components of the European Middle Paleolithic Mousterian. A similar production process was detected within the lithic assemblages of the Levantine Acheulo-Yabrudian (∼400-200 ka). This study combines the results of use-wear and raw material analyses of 75 Quina scrapers and 133 demi-Quina scrapers from the Acheulo-Yabrudian site Qesem Cave, Israel, aimed at interpreting the function of Quina and demi-Quina at Qesem Cave, the considerations affecting the lithic choices involved in their production, and the behavioral and evolutionary implications. Each scraper was examined for use-wear and was assigned to a flint type and potential geologic source(s). Our results demonstrate a selective pattern of exploitation of flint which does not originate from the local Turonian outcrops, specifically for the manufacture of Quina and demi-Quina scrapers. This suggests a thoughtful, well-planned effort, taking into consideration the flint traits and future function. This pattern repeats itself throughout time, reflecting a high degree of familiarity with the potential sources located around the cave, implying the existence of knowledge transmission mechanisms concerning the location of specific flint sources and their acquisition methods, as well as concerning exploitation preferences.

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The Early Middle Paleolithic (EMP) lithic assemblage of Misliya Cave, dated to 240-150 ka, is associated with one of the earliest occurrences of Homo sapiens outside Africa. Our research provides a detailed technological study of the lithic assemblage of stratigraphic unit 5-6c of the site, using the chaîne opératoire approach, to characterize the technological behavior of the early H. sapiens. Our results indicate that both Levallois and laminar volumetric concepts were used. The Levallois reduction strategy involved preparing subtriangular cores with steep distal edges that allowed producing a series of triangular/subtriangular Levallois blanks using a unidirectional convergent method. Laminar débitage constitutes a semirotating/rotating method. The results of our study and comparisons with other Levantine sites indicate that the EMP represents a distinct entity within the Levantine Middle Pleistocene record that can be distinguished by the earliest occurrence of a full-fledged Levallois technology in the region, laminar technology, and a distinct tool kit dominated by elongated retouched points. The level of core management involved in producing convergent Levallois products and in preparing laminar cores points to a major conceptual change from the preceding Acheulian and Acheulo-Yabrudian. This suggests a break in knapping strategies between the Lower and the Middle Paleolithic. The finding of a H. sapiens maxilla at Misliya Cave in association with the EMP industry supports the hypothesis that the introduction of the Levallois technology in the Near East was associated with an early dispersal of H. sapiens from Africa. A comparison between the Levantine EMP and other regional records indicates that different Levallois methods were routinely used by hominins from the beginning of the Middle Paleolithic and the Middle Stone Age.

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Stratigraphic Unit D levels of the Caune de l'Arago (Pyrénées-Orientales, France), situated in the upper part of the depositional sequence of Ensemble Stratigraphique III (ES III), has yielded a rich Acheulian archeopaleontological record dated to the Middle Pleistocene. The site's infill, dated from 690 to 90 ka, encloses a thick cultural sequence comprising some of the oldest evidence of Acheulian documented so far in Western Europe (Unit P levels). The deposits contain successive occupation layers with abundant faunal remains, stone artifacts, and sometimes hominin remains attributed to Homo erectus tautavelensis. The Unit D levels are chronostratigraphically positioned at the top of the ES III sequence, accumulated at the end of Marine Isotope Stage (MIS) 12. The Unit D lithic assemblage shows no evidence of Levallois knapping strategies. Rather, its features indicate a trend towards microproduction that continues into subsequent occupational phases, apparently marking a local expression of the transition from the Lower to the Middle Paleolithic. Remarkably, tiny discoid and multidirectional type cores, predominantly knapped from small-sized quartz pebbles, characterize the Unit D lithic assemblage. Experimental work presented here demonstrates the likelihood that, despite the small size of the cores and the recalcitrant crystalline materials from which they were knapped, flake production can be carried out with free-hand hard hammer techniques. We explore behavioral aspects gleaned from Unit D cultural material, contrasting them with microlithic praxis observed elsewhere in Europe and the Near East in a similar timeframe.

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The purposeful production of small flakes is integral to the lithic variability of many Middle Pleistocene sites. Inhabitants of the Acheulo-Yabrudian site of Qesem Cave, Israel, systematically recycled 'old' discarded blanks and tools, using them as cores for the production of small sharp tools with distinct technological features. These recycling end-products were produced in significant quantities throughout the human occupation of Qesem Cave, and their outstanding state of preservation made possible a functional analysis with residue detection using Fourier transform infrared spectroscopy (FTIR) and energy-dispersive X-ray spectroscopy (SEM-EDX). An experimental program accompanying the study tested the efficiency of each tool category, and a reference collection of the organic remains was assembled. Our integrated results show that small flakes were used mainly to process soft to medium animal material through precise cutting activities that required accurate longitudinal motions. Several items show clear and exclusive contact with bone while others were used for designated steps in hide treatment processes. Plant and tuber processing are also evidenced although to a lesser extent. We show that the end products of recycling 'old' flakes reflect preconceived technological and functional characteristics produced in a targeted manner to obtain specific tools designated for anticipated practical tasks. We demonstrate the complementary role of the products of recycling within the Qesem Cave tool-kits alongside larger tools in assisting early humans in the different stages of processing animal materials. Moreover, use-wear and residue evidence indicates that Qesem hominins differentiated their activities across space in the cave. We argue that the meticulous realization of specific tasks and the deliberate, repetitive, and skilled production of tools of different sizes and shapes is one characteristic of the new mode of adaptation practiced by Acheulo-Yabrudian hominins in the Levant in order to better manipulate the available resources following the disappearance of mega-herbivores.

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It is widely agreed that biomechanical stresses imposed by stone tool behaviors influenced the evolution of the human hand. Though archaeological evidence suggests that early hominins participated in a variety of tool behaviors, it is unlikely that all behaviors equally influenced modern human hand anatomy. It is more probable that a behavior's likelihood of exerting a selective pressure was a weighted function of the magnitude of stresses associated with that behavior, the benefits received from it, and the amount of time spent performing it. Based on this premise, we focused on the first part of that equation and evaluated magnitudes of stresses associated with stone tool behaviors thought to have been commonly practiced by early hominins, to determine which placed the greatest loads on the digits. Manual pressure data were gathered from 39 human subjects using a Novel Pliance® manual pressure system while they participated in multiple Plio-Pleistocene tool behaviors: nut-cracking, marrow acquisition with a hammerstone, flake production with a hammerstone, and handaxe and flake use. Manual pressure distributions varied significantly according to behavior, though there was a tendency for regions of the hand subject to the lowest pressures (e.g., proximal phalanges) to be affected less by behavior type. Hammerstone use during marrow acquisition and flake production consistently placed the greatest loads on the digits collectively, on each digit and on each phalanx. Our results suggest that, based solely on the magnitudes of stresses, hammerstone use during marrow acquisition and flake production are the most likely of the assessed behaviors to have influenced the anatomical and functional evolution of the human hand.

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Zooarcheological research is an important tool in reconstructing subsistence, as well as for inferring relevant aspects regarding social behavior in the past. The organization of hunting parties, forms of predation (number and rate of animals slaughtered), and the technology used (tactics and tools) must be taken into account in the identification and classification of hunting methods in prehistory. The archeological recognition of communal hunting reflects an interest in evolutionary terms and their inherent implications for anticipatory capacities, social complexity, and the development of cognitive tools, such as articulated language. Late and Middle Paleolithic faunal assemblages in Europe have produced convincing evidence of communal hunting of large ungulates allowing for the formation of hypotheses concerning the skills of Neanderthals anatomically modern humans as social predators. However, the emergence of this cooperative behavior is not currently understood. Here, faunal analysis, based on traditional/long-established zooarcheological methods, of nearly 25,000 faunal remains from the "bison bone bed" layer of the TD10.2 sub-unit at Gran Dolina, Atapuerca (Spain) is presented. In addition, other datasets related to the archeo-stratigraphy, paleo-landscape, paleo-environmental proxies, lithic assemblage, and ethno-archeological information of communal hunting have been considered in order to adopt a holistic approach to an investigation of the subsistence strategies developed during deposition of the archeological remains. The results indicate a monospecific assemblage heavily dominated by axial bison elements. The abundance of anthropogenic modifications and the anatomical profile are in concordance with early primary access to carcasses and the development of systematic butchering focused on the exploitation of meat and fat for transportation of high-yield elements to somewhere out of the cave. Together with a catastrophic and seasonal mortality pattern, the results indicate the procurement of bison by communal hunting as early as circa 400 kyr. This suggests that the cognitive, social, and technological capabilities required for successful communal hunting were at least fully developed among the pre-Neanderthal paleodeme of Atapuerca during the Lower Paleolithic. Similarly, the early existence of mass communal hunting as a predation technique informs our understanding of the early emergence of predatory skills similar to those exhibited by modern communal hunters.

La zooarqueología es una importante herramienta para la reconstrucción de la subsistencia y también para inferir aspectos relevantes del comportamiento social en el pasado. En este trabajo presentamos el análisis faunístico del llamado "lecho de huesos de bisonte", contenido en la subunidad TD10.2 del yacimiento Gran Dolina (Atapuerca, España). La composición taxonómica y perfil anatómico indican un conjunto monoespecífico fuertemente dominado por elementos del esqueleto axial de bisonte (Bison sp.). Las características y abundancia de las modificaciones antrópicas revelan un acceso primario e inmediato a las carcasas, así como el desarrollo de un procesado carnicero sistemático dirigido a la explotación de la carne y grasa, y a la preparación para el transporte de elementos de alto rendimiento hacia algún lugar fuera de la cavidad. Esas características unidas a un perfil de mortalidad catastrófico y estacional, sugieren la obtención de los bisontes mediante caza comunal. La frecuencia, localización e intensidad de las mordeduras de carnívoro en los restos indica un fuerte saqueo de las carcasas de bisonte una vez abandonadas éstas por los homininos en el yacimiento. La suma de decisiones antrópicas sobre el transporte y el posterior saqueo por carnívoros de los despojos abandonados resulta en un conjunto interpretado como lugar de matanza y procesamiento carnicero de bisontes carroñeados posteriormente por las fieras. Las analogías etnográficas, etnohistóricas y arqueológicas nos han permitido interpretar el "lecho de huesos de bisonte" como cazadero utilizado durante varios eventos estacionales de caza comunal en los que rebaños completos de bisontes fueron sacrificados para ser explotados intensamente por los homininos que ocuparon la cueva. El repetido uso estacional de un punto en el territorio para el desarrollo de tareas específicas muestra ciertas similitudes con el patrón logístico de gestión de los recursos. En el mismo sentido, la existencia temprana de la caza comunal como táctica depredatoria nos informa sobre la emergencia de habilidades cognitivas, tecnológicas y sociales similares a aquellas exhibidas por otros cazadores comunales modernos en un momento tan temprano como el Pleistoceno medio.

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Although preservation of Paleolithic faunal assemblages from open-air settings is often poor, the Lower Paleolithic sites of Schöningen provide exceptionally well-preserved mammalian faunal material for investigating hominin/animal relationships. Pleistocene fossil assemblages, however, usually reflect a complex taphonomic history in which natural and anthropogenic processes are often superimposed. A number of examples of osseous finds that resemble tools were recently discovered in the MIS 9 deposits of Schöningen 12 II. Non-anthropogenic agents are known to produce surface modifications mimicking human artifacts and the identification of osseous remains used and/or deliberately modified by ancient hominins is often controversial in such old contexts. Multiple lines of evidence are thus useful for distinguishing between osseous artifacts and "eco-facts". In this paper, the recognition of the use of bone for different technological purposes by late Middle Pleistocene hominins is addressed through a multi-proxy study combining geoarcheology, bone taphonomy, zooarcheology, and use-wear analysis. This allowed the identification of the processes and agents responsible for the formation and modification of the different bone assemblages of Schöningen 12 II. Our analysis points to different types of bones having been likely used as tools. These results expand the diversity of the organic technological repertoire of the Middle Pleistocene hominins, making Schöningen 12 II a remarkable new source of information on osseous technology long before the Upper Paleolithic, the period traditionally viewed as the start of the systematic use of bone tools. Together with other observations of bone tools documented during the Lower and Middle Paleolithic, the results from Schöningen show that archeologists may have underestimated the diversity and importance of osseous technology among archaic hominins.

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The Spear Horizon (Schöningen 13 II-4) from Schöningen, Lower Saxony, Germany, is one of the most important archeological sites dating to the Middle Pleistocene. Until today, the numerous finds have only been published individually, often outside of their context. Here we present for the first time the distribution map of the Spear Horizon together with a spatial analysis of the different categories of remains (flint, bones, and woods). The finds are situated in a 10 m wide belt, which runs parallel to a former lakeshore. The distribution of faunal remains correlates closely with the distribution of flint artifacts and wooden objects. We have been able to distinguish five different sectors that can be aligned with different events or activities. The greatest density of finds was evident within an area of 11 × 15 m, where most of the horse skulls were recovered. Some of the square meters contain more than 150 finds. During the excavation the profiles were continually documented and these data help us to reconstruct the shoreline of the paleo-lake with considerable accuracy. Over a distance of 60 m, the thickness and density of the organic mud and peat layers could be reconstructed in high resolution. The distribution of finds shows no preferred orientation or selection through size. The analyses only indicate small-scale dislocations and limited taphonomic alterations. The fraction of lithic artifacts with size ranges less than 2 cm are preserved, while some smaller bone fragments are missing. Most of the wooden artifacts are in-situ, but were deformed by the ice load during the Saalian ice age. While some small charcoal remains as well as a burnt artifact have been observed, there is no evidence of burnt bones. Our results allow a first insight into the formation history of the site.

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This paper presents the faunal remains from the new excavation area at the Lower Paleolithic site of Schöningen. The focus of the study is on the southern extension of the main find horizon (Spear Horizon South), which includes the layer that yielded the famous Schöningen spears (13 II-4). Taxonomic data corroborate previous studies, that hominins primarily hunted Equus mosbachensis, a large Pleistocene horse. Equid body part representation at the site suggests that the animals were hunted and butchered locally. There is no evidence for density-mediated attrition in the assemblage. Weathering damage is uncommon, though there is ample evidence that carnivores had access to the bone. Carnivore bite sizes were measured and compared to experimental data provided by previous authors. Based on relationships between bite size and carnivore behavior and body size, we conclude that the primary modifying agents were large carnivores (i.e., wolves or saber-toothed cats). Previous studies show that carnivores often had secondary access to the remains, after hominins. Cut marks are commonly arranged haphazardly on the bones. This may indicate that multiple hominins participated in the butchery of horse skeletons, or that they were butchered over the course of hours or days. Cut marks on axial elements are more "orderly," which probably reflects the physical logistics of orienting one's body in relation to a large carcass. These data differ from sites formed by Middle and Upper Paleolithic hominins, which might suggest that in later times, a system of organized meat provisioning was already in place. Taken together, the faunal evidence from the Spear Horizon South indicates that late Lower Paleolithic hominins using the site understood the behaviors of different prey species, hunted socially to take down large game, and successfully competed with large carnivores on the landscape for primary access to ungulate remains.

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