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In the following article, I will briefly introduce the method of Allegory Analysis (AA) (Guenther, 2020, 2021, in press) and then outline it in its application to the case study of. The goal of this article is to introduce AA and illustrate it using the particularly illustrative case of Theresa. It will be shown how AA can be a new psychotherapeutic method in the therapist's toolbox, with which the human psyche in its individual uniqueness can be understood in the clinical context through creative means. Allegories of patients are defined here as complex linguistic constructs of multiple metaphors and as expressions of complex affective perception and experience. In order to understand a human psyche through its allegories, AA proceeds in four steps: (1) picking up and describing the allegories, (2) summarizing them into a so-called allegory poem, (3) interpreting the allegories on the part of the therapist, and (4) participatory interpretation of the allegories with the patient. The present case of Theresa illustrates the application of the AA method in an outpatient psychotherapeutic context and shows how through AA. In Theresa's case, the client was found to be ideologically guided by values such as autonomy, freedom, honesty, sustainability, charity, and connectedness. Her psychosis represented an autopoietic self-healing attempt to recover these values, which had been inaccessible to her in the antecedent process. The AA showed that Theresa believes that crises in the market economy, interpersonal coexistence, and climate change are at a critical point that threatens the existence of the world and thus her psychological stability. Moreover, in Theresa's allegories, it is evident that she had managed to use her values and beliefs autopoietically to stabilize her crisis through her coping strategy: externalization through poetic-allegorical language.

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By manipulating our basic mode of prospectively thinking about the future, the present study examines the effect of retrospective future thinking on future events imagined as if they had already taken place. Here, 142 young adults were randomly assigned to report five autobiographical future events either prospectively from the perspective of their current self or retrospectively, imagining events from the perspective of their 100-year-old self. Participants indicated the expected age of occurrence and assessed phenomenological characteristics for each event. Results suggest that a shift in future thinking perspective affects the content and temporal distribution of future events. Characteristics of prospective future events diminished with increasing distance, whereas retrospective future events included overall more spatial details and remained high on belief in occurrence, vividness, and rehearsal across life. Retrospective future thinking influences the psychological distance of autobiographical future events, allowing us to hold even distant future events psychologically close.

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People think retrospectively about past events and prospectively about future events. Here, the novel method of retrospective future thinking is introduced to investigate the characteristics of autobiographical events reported as if they had been already experienced. In total, 166 participants were asked to (1) generate cultural life scripts and (2) to imagine themselves being 100-years old. From this perspective, they reported, dated and rated on valence their seven most important events. Results provide evidence that the cultural life script guides the recall and, more so, the imagination of retrospectively reported autobiographical events. Exploratory analysis of age effects indicated that older participants reported events that were more realistic, less scripted and wider distributed across the life span. This provides the first evidence that retrospective future thinking can alter older adults' life perspective by expanding their period for experiencing important events beyond the reminiscence bump years.

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Autobiographical remembering is a dynamic process in which narrators construct their life story from single memories. What is included in or deleted from the life story depends on many factors. Here, we examined the functions, emotions and correspondence with the life script for the memories that people desire to save or erase from their past. We asked people to generate either the two memories they were most likely to save and erase or the two memories they regarded as their most positive and negative memories. Then everyone rated those memories on function, emotion and correspondence with the life script. Overall, we found save and erase memories corresponded less with the life script relative to most positive and most negative memories though they were similarly emotionally intense. Additionally, erase memories were more associated with shame and less with social functions than most negative memories, whereas most negative memories to a higher degree involved the death of significant others, albeit being similarly traumatic. These findings have important implications for theory about autobiographical memory, and possible clinical relevance.

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Personal goals are important for the construction and organization of episodic future thought. This study examines the impact of two future thinking perspectives on qualities of mental goal representations. Here, 142 participants (Mage = 21.9 years) reported on the content and characteristics of five life goals either retrospectively, imagining goals from the perspective of their 100-year-old self, or prospectively from the perspective of their current self. Results indicate that retrospectively reported life goals relied more on schematized knowledge, were dated to occur later in life, and were perceived as more self-concordant with increasing distance from the present. Independent of condition, more distant goals were rated as more difficult, less likely to occur, and were associated with lower self-efficacy. This study provides the first evidence that the point in life from which you consider your own future affects the qualities of mental goal representations, suggesting that retrospective future thinking serves as a form of psychological distancing.

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Based on the chronological nature of extensive life narratives, in two studies, we investigated whether a temporal order can also be found for the retrieval of important life story events. The data of Study 1 come from 52 older adults (Mage = 70.35, SDage = 6.09) who reported seven important events from their life. We used multilevel analysis to take into account the hierarchical structure of the data but also to investigate individual differences. Results showed a significant temporal order effect which considerably differed between persons. In further exploratory analyses using group-based modelling, we identified three groups that differed in the direction (i.e., forward and backward) and in the size of the temporal order effect. The use of life scripts was not associated with a forward temporal order. Study 2 was conceptualised as a replication study and included 88 participants (Mage = 68.60, SDage = 6.63) who recalled up to 15 important life events. The temporal order effect, as well as the three trajectories of temporarily ordering important life story events, were replicated. Again, the use of life script was not associated with a forward ordered recall. Potential explanations for a forward and backward temporal recall order are discussed.

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Cultural life scripts are culturally transmitted semantic knowledge of the expected order and timing of major transitional events in a prototypical life course. This cognitive schema has been shown to serve as an important mnemonic template that guides retrieval from autobiographical memory, especially for positive and important life events. Autobiographical memory deficits are one of the earliest and most prominent symptoms in Alzheimer's disease (AD). However, no studies have examined cultural life scripts in patients with AD, despite semantic memory impairments being reported even in the early stages of the disease. The aim of the present work was to assess life-script knowledge in older adults diagnosed with AD, particularly in terms of knowledge for the content of life-script events and the timing and temporal order of these events. Twenty-one older adults diagnosed with AD and 22 healthy age-matched controls completed the standard life-script task (Berntsen & Rubin, 2004, Memory & Cognition, 32[3], 427-442). We found that while AD patients produced significantly fewer life-script events, the content of the generated events were quite consistent with those of the controls and the cultural norms. AD patients were particular impaired with regard to the normative timing and order of life-script events, suggesting that these components of the cultural life script are more vulnerable to cognitive decline. The findings are discussed in relation to impaired script knowledge and semantic memory deficits in AD.

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Grounded in literature on school transitions and autobiographical memory, this study focuses on the personal memories of a sample of 112 young Italian adults facing their transition to university. Participants were asked to recall five memories of their high school transition experience and, subsequently, the students were assessed in terms of resilience, future orientation, academic motivation, university transition experience, and subjective well-being since attending university. The memories were coded for narrative themes, structure, and integrative meaning. The results, consistent with prior studies on school memories, indicate that memory narratives are, on average, specific and focused on interpersonal relationships. Tension, redemption sequences, and autobiographical integration were other important dimensions of most of the memories. The number of integrative memories (i.e., those that connect a certain memory with a broader meaning) is correlated with important individual factors that influence university transition (resilience, future orientation, and academic intrinsic motivation) and predict both perceived difficulty in the university transition and subjective well-being. Results are discussed in light of prior studies on autobiographical memory and school transitions.

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The present study examined the beliefs about two types of important life transitions: transitions that are consistent with the cultural life script (e.g., getting married) and transitions that diverge from it (e.g., relocating). Data were collected from two conditions: individuals in the experienced condition only responded to transitions they had experienced; individuals in the hypothetical condition provided ratings only for transitions they had not experienced. Participants rated the likelihood and typical age of occurrence, importance, transitional impact, and valence for an individualized set of condition-appropriate events. We found that script-consistent events were considered more normative and positive than script-divergent events. The two types of events, however, differed little in terms of importance or transitional impact. We conclude by arguing that although script-consistent and script-divergent transitions have much in common from a mnemonic perspective, the distinction is still warranted in the context of lifetime planning and evaluation.

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Cultural life scripts refer to the shared expectations as to the order and timing of life events in a prototypical life course within a given culture or subculture. Immigration is a significant transition that often implies a change in cultural context, which may change people's views about a normative life. However, research on cultural life scripts in the context of immigration has been limited. We addressed this gap by examining the cultural life scripts of 33 young second-generation Turkish immigrants and 33 young Danes in Denmark, pairwise-matched on age, gender, and education, along with their subjective well-being and acculturation level. Both groups reported mostly positive life script events expected to occur in early adulthood and their individual life scripts generally had a positive outlook. In contrast to earlier studies, we found no evidence of lower subjective well-being or greater normativity of the cultural life script in the immigrant group. Moreover, the acculturation level of the Turkish group correlated positively with their subjective well-being, suggesting that adapting at least to some degree to the daily life of the host country is associated with well-being of second-generation immigrants.

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Research has shown that identity in adolescence takes the shape of a coherent life story that integrates the past with the present self and provides meaning and purpose in the person's life. One stable feature of narrative identity identified in adults is emotional tone. Here, the development of emotional tone in life stories was investigated across childhood and adolescence. A total of 142 adolescents aged 10 to 14 years wrote about their past weekend, their past and future life stories and generated a cultural life script. Across age groups, adolescents told past life stories that were overall mixed (both positive and negative) or moderately positive in emotional tone, and future life stories that were positive or highly positive. In relation to life story development, we replicated findings on age-related development of life story coherence in both past and future life stories in 10-14-year-olds. Lastly, the study highlights the link between life story coherence and cultural life script abilities. Cultural life script typicality was linked to life story coherence for both past and future life stories and across all age groups, and a majority of events mentioned in future life stories overlapped with cultural life script events.

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Cultural life scripts are shared knowledge about personal events expected to be experienced by individuals within a society and used as a framework for life story narration. Differences in cultural life scripts for individuals with depression and trauma, and their relations to anxiety, stress, and well-being, have not been investigated. Malaysian participants (N = 120) described and rated seven significant events most likely to be experienced by a prototypical infant from their culture, and seven significant events they had experienced or expected to experience in their own life. Participants then answered questionnaires about depression and trauma symptoms and about anxiety, stress, and well-being. The subclinical depression group listed less typical cultural life scripts events, whereas the subclinical post-traumatic stress disorder group listed less positive individual life story events. The findings indicate that, although individuals with depression and trauma possess knowledge of the cultural life scripts, there may be small differences in the cognitive processing of cultural life scripts and individual life story events.

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Research has shown that individuals use a combination of cultural life script events and historical events when dating personal memories, providing evidence for a cultural life script effect and Living-in-History (LiH) effect on the temporal organisation of autobiographical memory. Yet, in contrast to life script events, the LiH effect has only been found for negative events such as war or natural disasters. Therefore, this study tested whether a positive historical event, here the fall of the Berlin Fall, also elicits a LiH effect and whether this effect would differ due to the subsequent changes in life. Comparing West and East Germans, we found a moderate LiH effect for the fall of the Berlin Wall in East Germans but not in West Germans. Yet, the LiH effect in East Germans did not relate to the perceived change in life or the valence of the historical event. Additionally, this study replicated the finding that life script events serve as temporal landmarks when navigating through one's autobiographical timeline.

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An individualized and coherent life story has been described as the form of identity that is required by highly mobile individualistic Western societies, whereas more family-oriented, traditional societies require more role-based, synchronic identities. Therefore in individualistic cultures entire life narratives can be expected to be more coherent and to contain more autobiographical arguments that contribute to life narrative coherence. This cultural group difference is expected to be mediated by individuals' conformity to their respective cultural normative concept of biography, such that more conformity leads to less life narrative coherence and fewer autobiographical arguments. We tested these expectations by eliciting entire life narratives and cultural life scripts from four different cultural groups of students of technical universities: from provincial Karabük and from metropolitan Istanbul in Turkey, as well as from students with a Turkish migrant and with a native German background from urban Frankfurt am Main, Germany (N = 96). Expectations were confirmed for global life narrative coherence and autobiographical arguments with self-event connections. Conformity with a normative concept of biography indeed partially mediated cultural influences on life narrative coherence. Life narratives from Turkey also contained more family-related events and, unexpectedly, were more negative. Thus creating a coherent life narrative is more typical for cultures that require autonomous, individualized selves rather than for cultures requiring more related selves, reflecting the life story's suitability for expressing individualized identities and its lesser suitability for expressing interdependent identities.

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Cultural life scripts are shared knowledge about the timing of important life events. In the present study, we examined whether cultural life scripts are transmitted through traditions and whether there are additional ways through which they can be attained by asking Australian and Malaysian participants which information sources they had used to generate the life script of their culture. Participants hardly reported that they had used cultural and religious traditions. They more often reported that they had used their own experiences and experiences of relatives and friends. They also reported the use of comments of relatives and friends and the use of newspapers, books, movies and television programmes. Furthermore, we examined the stability of life scripts and similarities and differences across cultures. We found that life scripts are stable cognitive structures and that there are, besides cross-cultural differences in the content, small cross-cultural differences in the valence and distribution of life script events, with the Australian life script containing more positive events and more events expected to occur before the age of 16.

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The cultural life script (CLS) refers to expected prototypical life events, often including life transitions overwhelmingly occurring at ages 11-30. This study outlined CLS events at ages after the majority of these events typically occur. Participants, age 38-76, nominated events they expected a person of their age to experience in the future. Participants rated each event's valence, importance, prevalence, and expected age of occurrence. Events were coded into three categories: the normative CLS for events listed by previous CLS studies, offspring's CLS for experiencing CLS events of offspring, and later adulthood CLS for other events nominated by at least 4% of participants. Results suggest scripted events highlighting positivity and change. Offspring's CLS was more positive and occurred earlier than others. Correlations emerged between event characteristics and well-being. Results affirm the prominence of transitions in memory, and suggest ways that older adults maintain well-being despite a cultural narrative that emphasizes decline.

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The reminiscence bump is the disproportionate number of autobiographical memories dating from adolescence and early adulthood. It has often been ascribed to a consolidation of the mature self in the period covered by the bump. Here we stripped away factors relating to the characteristics of autobiographical memories per se, most notably factors that aid in their encoding or retention, by asking students to generate imagined word-cued and imagined 'most important' autobiographical memories of a hypothetical, prototypical 70-year-old of their own culture and gender. We compared the distribution of these fictional memories with the distributions of actual word-cued and most important autobiographical memories in a sample of 61-70-year-olds. We found a striking similarity between the temporal distributions of the imagined memories and the actual memories. These results suggest that the reminiscence bump is largely driven by constructive, schematic factors at retrieval, thereby challenging most existing theoretical accounts.

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Although positive events occur frequently in people's lives, autobiographical memory for happy events has received only marginal attention within the psychology literature. This study followed a between-subjects design to examine the similarities and differences between eudaimonic and hedonic happy memories. Two groups of undergraduates provided narratives of personally experienced eudaimonic and hedonic events, respectively. They also completed questionnaires assessing the memory characteristics of recalled events and the centrality of such events for the individual's identity and life story. In addition, the participants' levels of well-being were assessed. The content analysis of narratives revealed that eudaimonic memories mostly referred to transitional life events; by contrast, the most reported hedonic memories referred to close relationship experiences. Eudaimonic and hedonic recollections were further compared on quantitative measures of memory characteristics, statistically controlling for retention interval and event centrality. Results showed that eudaimonic memories involved more intense feelings of pride and were socially shared more frequently than hedonic memories. However, the two memory types were similar with respect to a number of features (e.g., sensory details). It is argued that participants remembering eudaimonic events were more influenced by cultural life scripts. Implications of the findings for the measurement of psychological well-being are also discussed.

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This study explored the normativity of individual life scripts and their relation to actual life story memories across countries (Turkey and Germany) and subcultures (urban vs. rural, of migrant vs. of indigenous descent). Young adults from provincial Karabük and metropolitan Istanbul (Turkey), second generation Turkish migrants and Germans from Frankfurt a.M. (Germany) provided both their individual versions of the life script and seven most important personal memories. We expected the agreement on the life script, that is, its normativity, and correspondingly its guiding influence on the selection of life story memories to correlate positively with a collectivistic, negatively an individualistic cultural orientation, that is, to be highest in provincial Karabük, less in Istanbul, still less in Turkish migrants in Germany, and finally lowest in native Germans. The study confirmed expectations for the normativity of life scripts, but not for the normativity of most important memories. We conclude that the normativity of life scripts is influenced both by the individualist vs. collectivist orientation.

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This study examines predictions from two theories on the organisation of autobiographical memory: Cultural Life Script Theory which conceptualises the organisation of autobiographical memory by cultural schemata, and Transition Theory which proposes that people organise their memories in relation to personal events that changed the fabric of their daily lives, or in relation to negative collective public transitions, called the Living-in-History effect. Predictions from both theories were tested in forty-eight-old Germans from Berlin and Northern Germany. We tested whether the Living-in-History effect exists for both negative (the Second World War) and positive (Fall of Berlin Wall) collectively experienced events, and whether cultural life script events serve as a prominent strategy to date personal memories. Results showed a powerful, long-lasting Living-in History effect for the negative, but not the positive event. Berlin participants dated 26% of their memories in relation to the Second World War. Supporting cultural life script theory, life script events were frequently used to date personal memories. This provides evidence that people use a combination of culturally transmitted knowledge and knowledge based on personal experience to navigate through their autobiographical memories, and that experiencing war has a lasting impact on the organisation of autobiographical memories across the life span.

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