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ACADEMIC ABSTRACT: Advantaged group allies have multiple motives for supporting equality, raising questions about their sincerity. We draw upon the covariation model of attributions to explain how disadvantaged group members make attributions about whether advantaged group "allies" are sincerely motivated to empower the disadvantaged group. We propose an Attribution-Identity Model of Sincerity (AIMS) which posits that disadvantaged group members view advantaged group members as sincere allies when they support equality in the presence of inhibitory causes and in the absence of facilitative causes, exceed expectations for the advantaged group, and provide support across time and contexts. Furthermore, those who identify strongly with their disadvantaged group and perceive intergroup inequality as illegitimate are most motivated to ascertain the sincerity of advantaged group members' allyship. AIMS suggests how members of disadvantaged groups seek to maximize benefits and minimize risks of advantaged group members' allyship. PUBLIC ABSTRACT: Advantaged group members (e.g., men, White Americans) can act as allies for disadvantaged groups (e.g., women, Americans belonging to minoritized racial groups), but members of disadvantaged groups sometimes have reason to question whether their motives are sincere. We argue that members of disadvantaged groups view advantaged group allies as more sincere when they support equality when they do not stand to benefit from it and even when they stand to lose. We also argue that members of disadvantaged groups view advantaged group allies as more sincere when their support for equality goes beyond expectations for their advantaged group, consistently over time, and is not limited to particular situations, forms, or contexts. Members of disadvantaged groups like sincere allies, want to work with them, and feel safe around them. Sincere allies also serve as moral exemplars to other members of advantaged groups.

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OBJECTIVES: As citizens by birth, U.S.-born Latines are not subject to deportation. However, many have undocumented friends or family members who are. We examined whether concerns about the deportation of friends or family members shape U.S.-born Latines' feelings of anger and fear about U.S. immigration policy as well as identity conflict, variables associated with collective action for immigrants' rights. METHOD: After establishing the effectiveness of our experimental manipulation in a pilot study (N = 378), we randomly assigned a national sample of U.S.-born Mexican and Central Americans (N = 1,244) to imagine the deportation of friends or family members or to a control condition. Participants reported their anger and fear about U.S. immigration policy, their sense of identity conflict, and their willingness to engage in collective action for immigrants' rights. Prior to the experimental manipulation, participants also reported their Latine identity centrality and fear of protesting. RESULTS: Concerns about the deportation of friends or family members increased anger and fear about U.S. immigration policy but not identity conflict. These feelings were independently associated with greater willingness to engage in collective action for immigrants' rights. CONCLUSIONS: The political consequences of the criminalization of undocumented status extend beyond undocumented immigrants themselves, strengthening feelings associated with collective action for immigrants' rights among their U.S.-born friends' and family members. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

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OBJECTIVES: This study examined whether members of one racial or ethnic minority group (i.e., Dominican Americans) express fewer positive attitudes toward members of a different racial or ethnic minority group (i.e., African Americans)-with which they do not identify-when they perceive that their group faces discrimination on a basis that categorizes them together with that other group (i.e., race). METHOD: Ninety-nine Dominican-American undergraduate students (Mage = 20.23, SD = 1.64; 53% women, 18% first generation) were randomly assigned to read a brief article stating that discrimination against Dominicans was based either on language or immigrant status (n = 48) or race (n = 51). Afterward they reported their attitudes toward and similarity to African Americans. RESULTS: Dominican-American undergraduates who perceived that they were dissimilar to African Americans expressed fewer positive attitudes toward the group when told that Dominicans face discrimination because of race as opposed to because of their language and immigrant status. CONCLUSIONS: The study suggests that perceived discrimination from White Americans can induce categorization threat and influence intraminority relations. Members of 1 racial or ethnic minority group can express fewer positive attitudes toward members of another group with which they do not feel similar when they perceive that members of both groups face discrimination based on a shared category. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).

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BACKGROUND: Behavioral economic approaches have revealed several characteristics of alcohol demand (e.g., intensity, elasticity, and essential value) in university students; however, these approaches have not yet examined alcohol demand among students outside of the United States. The current study examined alcohol demand among student samples in the United States and France using a hypothetical alcohol purchase task (APT) and a novel APT Choice task, in which nonalcoholic beverages were concurrently available at a fixed low price. METHODS: Participants at each site (United States, n = 132; France, n = 132) were asked to complete an Internet-based survey including the APT, APT Choice, Alcohol Use Disorders Identification Test, Daily Drinking Questionnaire, and Drinking Motives Questionnaire-Revised Short Form. Group demand functions were produced for each of the 2 samples in both country-specific and standardized drink units, and the exponential demand equation was fitted to each of the APT and APT Choice demand curves. Slope analyses were performed on the Non-Alcoholic Cross-Price demand to assess substitutability. RESULTS: APT data revealed that in both samples, alcohol price and consumption were inversely related and demand measures were significantly associated with other alcohol measures. In addition, the availability of a nonalcoholic alternative reduced alcohol demand in both samples, with evidence of substitutability revealed by increases in cross-price consumption. CONCLUSIONS: Low-cost alcohol is associated with increased alcohol consumption in both French and U.S. university students, and concurrent availability of a nonalcoholic beverage within the APT both reduces alcohol demand and demonstrates behavioral economic substitutability. These findings will inform future studies investigating behavioral and environmental factors underlying transcultural differences and specific prevention efforts.

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How we think other people see us has long been believed to influence how we see ourselves, a phenomenon known as reflected appraisal. Among members of ethnic minority groups and immigrant groups, however, inconsistent patterns have been found. This study examined how immigrants' views of their ethnic group and of themselves are tied the appraisals of specific others. We hypothesized that members of the heritage culture and of White Americans are implicated in the reflected appraisal process to differing degrees. Moreover, we hypothesized that immigrants (first-generation) and the children of immigrants (second-generation) are affected differently by the appraisals of White Americans and heritage culture members. Results showed that perceived appraisal by members of the heritage culture was linked to how immigrants felt about their group and to their personal self-esteem. Perceived appraisal of White Americans was not related to how immigrants felt about their group and was only weakly related to personal self-esteem. The results highlight the distinction between public regard from the heritage culture and from White Americans and underscore the importance of the former for immigrants' private regard and self-esteem.

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Immigrants to the United States face rejection from other Americans on the basis of their ethnic group membership. Among members of ethnic minority groups who were born in the United States, rejection is tied to higher ethnic identification and less positive attitudes toward the national majority. Relatively little research has examined this relationship among first-generation immigrants (i.e., people who were born in another country but who migrated to the United States) or has considered political engagement on behalf of one's ethnic group as an outcome. In this study we examined the relationship among ethnic-based rejection, ethnic and national identification, and ethnic political engagement among first-generation Latino immigrants in the northeastern United States. We found that first-generation Latino immigrants who perceived ethnic-based rejection were less likely to identify with Americans and less likely to report willingness to engage politically on behalf of their ethnic group in the United States. Perceived rejection was not significantly associated with ethnic identification, which was not related to ethnic political engagement. The study demonstrates that ethnic-based rejection has unique implications for identification and ethnic political engagement among first-generation Latino immigrants.

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Endorsing meritocracy can make low-status group members more accepting of inequality. This study examined whether rejecting meritocracy is related to increased ethnic identification among Latino immigrants, and whether identity in turn is related to increased support for collective action. We hypothesize that these relationships depend upon immigrant generation. A survey was conducted with 184 first- and second-generation Latino immigrants in New York City. Second-generation Latinos endorsed meritocracy less than those in the first generation, at least in part because they perceived that other Americans viewed their group in a less positive light (i.e., lower public regard). Further, meritocracy was negatively linked to ethnic identity and, through it, support for collective action among the second generation. Among the first generation, meritocracy was not related to ethnic identity and was positively related to support for collective action. We discuss the implications of growing up near the bottom of the U.S. social hierarchy for ethnic identity and collective action.

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