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The COVID-19 pandemic is thought to have led to an increase in the percentage of young adults living with their parents, but the relative contributions made by moves into and out of the parental home to this increase are unknown. Also unknown is whether changes in the likelihood of home leaving and returning were concentrated among privileged or disadvantaged youth. This study used data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics Transition into Adulthood Supplement (2013-2021) and estimated logistic regression models to examine changes in the levels and correlates of moving into (n = 1872) and out of (n = 1852) the parental home before and after the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic in the U.S. Results show that relative to pre-pandemic trends, during the COVID-19 pandemic young adults were more likely to move back to the parental home and less likely to leave it. The increase in the likelihood of returning home was concentrated among young, white college students from advantaged families. The decline in leaving home was most pronounced among white and employed young adults.

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The growth in residential segregation by income implies an increase over time in the neighborhood income gap between rich and poor households. This analysis uses data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, in concert with tract-level decennial U.S. census data, to quantify the relative contribution of two proximate sources of this increase: change in the income-class-selectivity of inter-neighborhood migrants and change in the class difference in neighborhood income among non-migrants, or in situ change. Change in the income-class-selectivity of migrants is likely to be particularly important for explaining the increase in the neighborhood income gap among blacks to the extent that declining housing discrimination enables middle-class blacks to access higher-income neighborhoods. Decomposition of the change between 1980 and 1990 in the class difference in neighborhood income shows that, among blacks, the increase in the neighborhood income gap between rich and poor persons is attributable in large measure to a change in migrant selectivity. An increase in the class difference in average income among the destination neighborhoods of short-distance migrants is a particularly important source of the growth in the class difference in neighborhood income among blacks. In contrast, among whites, the bulk of the increase in the class difference in neighborhood income is attributable to a divergence in neighborhood income between rich and poor non-migrants.

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Studies of the effect of neighborhood poverty on health are dominated by research designs that measure neighborhood poverty at a single point in time, ignoring the potential influence of exposure to neighborhood poverty over the life course. Applying latent class analysis to restricted residential history data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, 1979 Cohort, we identify four trajectories of life-course exposure to high-poverty neighborhoods between adolescence and midlife and then examine how these groups differ in their physical health conditions (SF-12 score) and self-rated health at around age 40. Linear and logistic regression analyses show that life-course exposure to high-poverty neighborhoods is a stronger predictor of midlife physical health than are point-in-time measures of neighborhood poverty observed during either adolescence or midlife. Our findings suggest that a life-course approach can enhance our understanding of how neighborhood poverty affects physical health.

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Blacks and Latinos/as are less likely than Whites to move from a poor neighborhood to a non-poor neighborhood and are more likely to move in the reverse direction. Using individual-level data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (1980-2013) and neighborhood-level census data, this study explores the role that the spatial location of familial kin networks plays in explaining these racially and ethnically disparate mobility patterns. Blacks and Latinos/as live closer than Whites to nuclear kin, and they are also more likely than Whites to have kin members living in poor neighborhoods. Close geographic proximity to kin and higher levels of kin neighborhood poverty inhibit moving from a poor to a non-poor neighborhood, and increase the risk of moving from a non-poor to a poor tract. Racial/ethnic differences in kin proximity and kin neighborhood poverty explain a substantial portion of racial gaps in exiting and entering poor neighborhoods.

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Research examining the effects of neighborhood characteristics on obesity and excess body weight has generally neglected the influence of both life-course exposure and geographically-proximate communities. Using data on 9357 respondents to the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, 1979 Cohort, in conjunction with tract-level data from the 1980-2010 U.S. censuses, this study examines how black, Hispanic, and white individuals' cumulative exposure to varying levels of neighborhood poverty and co-ethnic density from their mid-teens through mid-adulthood, as well as the levels of poverty and co-ethnic density in nearby, or "extralocal," neighborhoods, are associated with their body mass index (BMI). Fixed-effect regression models show that, among Hispanics and whites, cumulative exposure to co-ethnic neighbors is a stronger positive predictor of BMI than the co-ethnic density of the immediate, point-in-time neighborhood. Among whites, cumulative exposure to neighborhood poverty is a stronger positive predictor of BMI than is the poverty rate of the current neighborhood of residence. And among both blacks and whites, the distance-weighted poverty rate of extralocal neighborhoods is significantly and inversely related to BMI, suggesting that relative affluence in nearby neighborhoods engenders relative deprivation among residents of the focal neighborhood, leading to increased BMI. Overall, the results suggest that greater attention to both the temporal and spatial dimensions of neighborhood effects has the potential to enhance our understanding of how neighborhoods affect obesity and related health outcomes.

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Recent research shows that as they age, blacks experience less improvement than whites in the socioeconomic status of their residential neighborhoods. Using data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics and U.S. decennial censuses, we assess the relative contribution of residential mobility and in situ neighborhood change (i.e., change surrounding nonmobile neighborhood residents) to the black-white difference in changes in neighborhood socioeconomic status and racial composition. Results from decomposition analyses show that the racial difference in in situ neighborhood change explains virtually all the black-white difference in neighborhood socioeconomic status change. In contrast, racial differences in residential mobility explain the bulk of the black-white difference in neighborhood racial compositional change. Among blacks and whites initially residing in low-income and predominantly minority neighborhoods, whites experience a much greater increase than blacks in the socioeconomic status of their neighborhoods and the percentage of their neighbors who are non-Hispanic white. These differences are driven primarily by racial differences in the economic and racial composition of local (intracounty) movers' destination neighborhoods and secondarily by black-white differences in the likelihood of moving long distances.

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A growing body of research has examined how family dynamics shape residential mobility, highlighting the social-as opposed to economic-drivers of mobility. However, few studies have examined kin ties as both push and pull factors in mobility processes or revealed how the influence of kin ties on mobility varies across sociodemographic groups. Using data on local residential moves from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) from 1980 to 2013, we find that location of noncoresident kin influences the likelihood of moving out of the current neighborhood and the selection of a new destination neighborhood. Analyses of out-mobility reveal that parents and young adult children living near each other as well as low-income adult children living near parents are especially deterred from moving. Discrete-choice models of neighborhood selection indicate that movers are particularly drawn to neighborhoods close to aging parents, white and higher-income households tend to move close to parents and children, and lower-income households tend to move close to extended family. Our results highlight the social and economic trade-offs that households face when making residential mobility decisions, which have important implications for broader patterns of inequality in residential attainment.

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We merged individual-level data from the 2004-2005 India Human Development Survey with district-level data derived from the 1991 and 2001 Indian population censuses to examine how the numerical supply of men to which married women were exposed during late adolescence is associated with women's agency in the mate selection process and the duration of courtships. Multilevel models that control for an array of both individual and contextual factors showed that exposure to a relative surplus of potential mates is associated with a higher likelihood that women will have little or no say in the selection of their husband and an increased probability that women will meet their husband for the first time on their wedding day. Women's educational attainment, birth cohort, religion, caste, and region of residence also emerged as significant correlates of women's marital agency and courtship duration. The implications of these findings for India's growing sex ratio imbalance are discussed.

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BACKGROUND: Although Black and Hispanic young adults in the U.S. are less likely than Whites to move out of the parental home and more likely than Whites to return, reasons for these differences have not been clearly identified. OBJECTIVE: This study examines the ability of racial/ethnic disparities in life course transitions, socioeconomic resources, and family connectivity to account for racial/ethnic differences in leaving and returning home. METHODS: Using data from the 2005-2011 waves of the Panel Study of Income Dynamics' Transition into Adulthood study (N=1,491, age 18 to 26), we estimated discrete-time event history models predicting the timing of moving out of and back into the parental home. RESULTS: Although no single factor completely explained racial-ethnic differences in the timing of leaving and returning to the parental home, the bulk of the Black-White differences in both home-leaving and home-returning was explained by group differences in transitions into adult roles, the ability to afford independent living, and connections to the origin family. These factors also explained most of the Mexican-White difference in home-leaving. However, only a small portion of the Hispanic-White difference in returning home was attributable to the proposed explanatory variables. CONCLUSION: Explanations for racial and ethnic differences in the timing of leaving and returning to the parental home need to consider a broad array of life course characteristics in which Black, Hispanic, and White youth differ. The factors that explain Black-White differences in home-leaving and home-returning may differ from those that explain Hispanic-White differences in these behaviors.

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This study uses data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, in conjunction with neighborhood-level data from the U.S. decennial census and American Community Survey, to examine the trajectory of individuals' neighborhood characteristics from initial household formation into mid-to-late adulthood. Multilevel growth curve models reveal both different starting points and different life-course trajectories for blacks and whites in neighborhood economic status and neighborhood racial composition. Among respondents who first established an independent household during the 1970s, improvement in neighborhood income over the adult life course is substantially greater for whites than for blacks, while the racial difference in the percentage of neighbors who are non-Hispanic white narrows slightly with age. Racial differences in the characteristics of neighborhoods inhabited during adolescence help to explain racial differences in starting points and, to a lesser extent, subsequent trajectories of neighborhood attainment. Residing in an economically advantaged neighborhood during adolescence confers greater subsequent benefits in neighborhood economic status for whites than for blacks. These findings are used to begin developing a life-course perspective on neighborhood attainment.

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Data from the third wave of India's 2005-2006 National Family and Health Survey are used to examine the influence of the community-level sex ratio on several dimensions of women's partnering behavior and sexual experiences. Multi-level logistic regression models that control for individual demographic attributes and community-level characteristics reveal that the local male-to-female sex ratio is positively and significantly associated with the likelihood that women marry prior to age 16 and have experienced forced sex. These associations are modest in magnitude. However, no significant associations are observed between the sex ratio and whether women have had two or more lifetime sexual partners or women's risk of contracting a sexually-transmitted disease. Birth cohort, education, religion, caste, region, urban residence, and several community-level measures of women's status also emerge as significant predictors of Indian women's partnering and sexual experiences. The implications of our results for India's growing surplus of adult men are discussed.

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We use data from the 1980 to 2004 waves of the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, 1979 Cohort to examine the association between the ethnic density of metropolitan areas and obesity among U.S. blacks and Latinos. Although minority groups' obesity rates tend to be higher in metropolitan areas containing many co-ethnics, controlling for other areal characteristics and unobserved time-constant confounders via fixed-effects models dramatically alters this association. In the fixed-effects models, higher levels of co-ethnic density are inversely associated with black males' obesity risk and unrelated to the obesity risk of black females, Latinas, and Latino males. For most groups, marrying and having children increases the risk of obesity.

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The percentage of young American adults residing in their parents' home has increased markedly over recent years, but we know little about how sociodemographic, life-course, and parental characteristics facilitate or impede leaving or returning home. We use longitudinal data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics' Transition into Adulthood survey to examine the determinants of leaving and returning home among youth who turned age 18 between 2005 and 2011. Findings from event history models show that while leaving and returning home is to some extent a function of normative life-course transitions, characteristics of the parental home (e.g., presence of co-resident siblings, mother's educational attainment) and the degree of family connectivity (e.g., emotional closeness to mother, instrumental help from family) also play important roles. Experiencing physical, including sexual, victimization drives young adults both out of, and back into, the parental home. Having parents in poor physical health encourages young adults to move back home. Overall, the results suggest that a comprehensive explanation for both home-leaving and home-returning will need to look beyond life-course transitions and standard economic accounts to encompass a broader array of push and pull factors, particularly those that bond young adults with their parents.

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Although substantial research has explored the causes of India's excessively masculine population sex ratio, few studies have examined the consequences of this surplus of males. We merge individual-level data from the 2004-2005 India Human Development Survey with data from the 2001 India population census to examine the association between the district-level male-to-female sex ratio at ages 15 to 39 and self-reports of victimization by theft, breaking and entering, and assault. Multilevel logistic regression analyses reveal positive and statistically significant albeit substantively modest effects of the district-level sex ratio on all three victimization risks. We also find that higher male-to-female sex ratios are associated with the perception that young unmarried women in the local community are frequently harassed. Household-level indicators of family structure, socioeconomic status, and caste, as well as areal indicators of women's empowerment and collective efficacy, also emerge as significant predictors of self-reported criminal victimization and the perceived harassment of young women. The implications of these findings for India's growing sex ratio imbalance are discussed.

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Theories of the social consequences of imbalanced sex ratios posit that men will exercise extraordinarily strict control over women's behaviour when women's relationship options are plentiful and men's own options are limited. We use data from the third wave of the Indian National Family and Health Survey, conducted in 2005-06, to explore this issue, investigating the effect of the community sex ratio on women's experience of intimate partner violence in India. Multilevel logistic regression models show that a relative surplus of men in a community increases the likelihood of physical abuse by husbands even after adjusting for various other individual, household, and geographic characteristics. Further evidence of control over women when there is a sex ratio imbalance is provided by the increased odds of husbands distrusting wives with money when there is a male surplus in the local community.

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Although scholars and policymakers have long been concerned with the "missing women" of India, little rigorous research has examined the consequences of India's sex ratio imbalance for young men's sexual risk behavior and reproductive health. We use data from the third wave of India's 2005-2006 National Family and Health Survey to examine the influence of the community female-to-male sex ratio at ages 10 to 39 on men's likelihood of marrying early in life, of engaging in premarital, multi-partnered, and commercial sex, and of contracting a sexually-transmitted disease (STD). We estimate logistic regression models that control for respondents' demographic and socioeconomic status and that adjust for the clustering of observations within communities. Net of the effects of other characteristics, the female-to-male sex ratio is positively and significantly associated with the likelihood that men marry prior to age 18 and inversely and significantly associated with the odds that men have had intercourse with a commercial sex worker. However, no significant net associations are observed between the sex ratio and the other outcomes. Education, wealth, religious affiliation, caste, and geographic region emerge as significant predictors of Indian men's sexual risk behaviors.

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Focusing on micro-level processes of residential segregation, this analysis combines data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics with contextual information from three censuses and several other sources to examine patterns of residential mobility between neighborhoods populated by different combinations of racial and ethnic groups. We find that despite the emergence of multiethnic neighborhoods, stratified mobility dynamics continue to dominate, with relatively few black or white households moving into neighborhoods that could be considered multiethnic. However, we also find that the tendency for white and black households to move between neighborhoods dominated by their own group varies significantly across metropolitan areas. Black and white households' mobility into more integrated neighborhoods is shaped substantially by demographic, economic, political, and spatial features of the broader metropolitan area. Metropolitan-area racial composition, the stock of new housing, residential separation of black and white households, poverty rates, and functional specialization emerge as particularly important predictors. These macro-level effects reflect opportunities for intergroup residential contact as well as structural forces that maintain residential segregation.

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Using geo-referenced data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, in conjunction with decennial census data, this research examines metropolitan-area variation in the ability of residentially mobile blacks, Hispanics, and whites to convert their income into two types of neighborhood outcomes-neighborhood racial composition and neighborhood socioeconomic status. For destination tract racial composition, we find strong and near-universal support for the "weak version" of place stratification theory; relative to whites, the effect of individual income on the percent of the destination tract population that is non-Hispanic white is stronger for blacks and Hispanics, but even the highest earning minority group members move to tracts that are "less white" than the tracts that the highest-earning whites move to. In contrast, for moves into neighborhoods characterized by higher levels of average family income, we find substantial heterogeneity across metropolitan areas in minorities' capacity to convert income into neighborhood quality. A slight majority of metropolitan areas evince support for the "strong version" of place stratification theory, in which blacks and Hispanics are less able than whites to convert income into neighborhood socioeconomic status. However, a nontrivial number of metropolitan areas also evince support for spatial assimilation theory, where the highest-earning minorities achieve neighborhood parity with the highest-earning whites. Several metropolitan-area characteristics, including residential segregation, racial and ethnic composition, immigrant population size, poverty rates, and municipal fragmentation, emerge as significant predictors of minority-white differences in neighborhood attainment.

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Data from the 1999-2000 Chinese Health and Family Life Survey were merged with community-level data from the 1982, 1990, and 2000 Chinese censuses to examine the relationship between the local sex ratio (number of men per 100 women) and sexual outcomes among women (N = 1,369). Consistent with hypotheses derived from demographic-opportunity theory, multilevel logistic regression analyses showed that women are more likely to be sexually active, to have had premarital sexual intercourse, to have been forced to have sex, and to test positive for a sexually transmitted infection when there is a relative abundance of age-matched men in their local community. Education, birth cohort, and geographic location also emerged as significant predictors of women's sexual experiences.

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The relative numbers of women and men are changing dramatically in China, but the consequences of these imbalanced sex ratios have received little attention. We merge data from the Chinese Health and Family Life Survey with community-level data from Chinese censuses to examine the relationship between cohort- and community-specific sex ratios and women's partnering behavior. Consistent with demographic-opportunity theory and sociocultural theory, we find that high sex ratios (indicating more men relative to women) are associated with an increased likelihood that women marry before age 25. However, high sex ratios are also associated with an increased likelihood that women engage in premarital and extramarital sexual relationships and have had more than one sexual partner, findings consistent with demographic-opportunity theory but inconsistent with sociocultural theory.