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For decades, affective scientists have examined how adults and children reason about others' emotions. Yet, our knowledge is limited regarding how emotion reasoning is impacted by race-that is, how individuals reason about emotions displayed by people of other racial groups. In this review, we examine the developmental origins of racial biases in emotion reasoning, focusing on how White Americans reason about emotions displayed by Black faces/people. We highlight how racial biases in emotion reasoning, which emerge as early as infancy, likely contribute to miscommunications, inaccurate social perceptions, and negative interracial interactions across the lifespan. We conclude by discussing promising interventions to reduce these biases as well as future research directions, highlighting how affective scientists can decenter Whiteness in their research designs. Together, this review highlights how emotion reasoning is a potentially affective component of racial bias among White Americans.

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During the early postnatal years, most infants rapidly learn to understand two naturally evolved communication systems: language and emotion. While these two domains include different types of content knowledge, it is possible that similar learning processes subserve their acquisition. In this review, we compare the learnable statistical regularities in language and emotion input. We then consider how domain-general learning abilities may underly the acquisition of language and emotion, and how this process may be constrained in each domain. This comparative developmental approach can advance our understanding of how humans learn to communicate with others.

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Despite clear links between affective processes in many areas of cognition and perception, the influence of affective valence and arousal on low-level perceptual learning have remained largely unexplored. Such influences could have the potential to disrupt or enhance learning that would have long-term consequences for young learners. The current study manipulated 8- to 11-year-old children's and young adults' mood using video clips (to induce a positive mood) or a psychosocial stressor (to induce a negative mood). Each participant then completed one session of a low-level visual learning task (visual texture paradigm). Using novel computational methods, we did not observe evidence for the modulation of visual perceptual learning by manipulations of emotional arousal or valence in either children or adults. The majority of results supported a model of perceptual learning that is overwhelmingly constrained to the task itself and independent from external factors such as variations in learners' affect.

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While preschoolers consistently produce and use labels for happy and sad emotional states, labels for other emotional states (e.g., disgust) emerge much later in development. One explanation for these differences may lie in how parents first talk about these emotions with their children in infancy and toddlerhood. The current study examined parent talk about different emotions (i.e., happiness, sadness, anger, fear, and disgust) in a book-sharing task with their 12- to 24-month-old infants. Parental talk on each emotion page was coded for both quantity and quality of emotion talk. We found that, rather than labeling or asking questions about disgust emotional states, parents instead elaborated on and asked questions about the context of disgust pictures. In contrast, parents frequently labeled happy and sad emotional states and behaviors. Parental use of causal questions related to infants' productive emotion vocabularies. These different narrative styles may partly explain why older children acquire emotion labels for "happy" and "sad" much earlier than "disgust."

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Humans perceive emotions in terms of categories, such as "happiness," "sadness," and "anger." To learn these complex conceptual emotion categories, humans must first be able to perceive regularities in expressive behaviors (e.g., facial configurations) across individuals. Recent research suggests that infants spontaneously form "basic-level" categories of facial configurations (e.g., happy vs. fear), but not "superordinate" categories of facial configurations (e.g., positive vs. negative). The current studies further explore how infant age and language impact superordinate categorization of facial configurations associated with different negative emotions. Across all experiments, infants were habituated to one person displaying facial configurations associated with anger and disgust. While 10-month-olds formed a category of person identity (Experiment 1), 14-month-olds formed a category that included negative facial configurations displayed by the same person (Experiment 2). However, neither age formed the hypothesized superordinate category of negative valence. When a verbal label ("toma") was added to each of the habituation events (Experiment 3), 10-month-olds formed a category similar to 14-month-olds in Experiment 2. These findings intersect a larger conversation about the nature and development of children's emotion categories and highlight the importance of considering developmental processes, such as language learning and attentional/memory development, in the design and interpretation of infant categorization studies.

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Language is important for emotion perception, but very little is known about how emotion labels are learned. The current studies examine how preverbal infants map novel labels onto facial configurations. Across studies, infants were tested with a modified habituation paradigm ("switch design"). Experiments 1 and 2 found that 18-month-olds, but not 14-month-olds, mapped novel labels ("blicket" and "toma") to human facial configurations associated with happiness and sadness. Subsequent analyses revealed that vocabulary size positively correlated with 14-month-olds' ability to form the mappings. Experiment 3 found that 14-month-olds were able to map novel labels to facial configurations when the visual complexity of the stimuli was reduced (i.e., by using cartoon facial configurations). This suggests that cognitive maturation and language development influence infants' associative word learning with facial configurations. The current studies are a critical first step in determining how infants navigate the complex process of learning emotion labels.

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To slow the progression of COVID-19, the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) and the World Health Organization (WHO) have recommended wearing face coverings. However, very little is known about how occluding parts of the face might impact the emotion inferences that children make during social interactions. The current study recruited a racially diverse sample of school-aged (7- to 13-years) children from publicly funded after-school programs. Children made inferences from facial configurations that were not covered, wearing sunglasses to occlude the eyes, or wearing surgical masks to occlude the mouth. Children were still able to make accurate inferences about emotions, even when parts of the faces were covered. These data suggest that while there may be some challenges for children incurred by others wearing masks, in combination with other contextual cues, masks are unlikely to dramatically impair children's social interactions in their everyday lives.

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Accurate perception of emotional (facial) expressions is an essential social skill. It is currently debated whether emotion categorization in infancy emerges in a "broad-to-narrow" pattern and the degree to which language influences this process. We used an habituation paradigm to explore (a) whether 14- and 18-month-old infants perceive different facial expressions (anger, sad, disgust) as belonging to a superordinate category of negative valence and (b) how verbal labels influence emotion category formation. Results indicated that infants did not spontaneously form a superordinate category of negative valence (Experiments 1 and 3). However, when a novel label ("toma") was added to each event during habituation trials (Experiments 2 and 4), infants formed this superordinate valance category when habituated to disgust and sad expressions (but not when habituated to anger and sadness). These labeling effects were obtained with two stimuli sets (Radboud Face Database and NimStim), even when controlling for the presence of teeth in the expressions. The results indicate that infants, at 14 and 18 months of age, show limited superordinate categorization based on the valence of different negative facial expressions. Specifically, infants only form this abstract emotion category when labels were provided, and the labeling effect depends on which emotions are presented during habituation. These findings have important implications for developmental theories of emotion. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2020 APA, all rights reserved).

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Predicting another person's emotional response to a situation is an important component of emotion concept understanding. However, little is known about the developmental origins of this ability. The current studies examine whether 10-month-olds expect facial configurations/vocalizations associated with negative emotions (e.g., anger, disgust) to be displayed after specific eliciting events. In Experiment 1, 10-month-olds (N = 60) were familiarized to an Emoter interacting with objects in a positive event (Toy Given) and a negative event (Toy Taken). Infants expected the Emoter to display a facial configuration associated with anger after the negative event, but did not expect the Emoter to display a facial configuration associated with happiness after the positive event. In Experiment 2, 10- and 14-month-olds (N = 120) expected the Emoter to display a facial configuration associated with anger, rather than one associated with disgust, after an "anger-eliciting" event (Toy Taken). However, only the 14-month-olds provided some evidence of linking a facial configuration associated with disgust, rather than one associated with anger, to a "disgust-eliciting event" (New Food). Experiment 3 found that 10-month-olds (N = 60) did not expect an Emoter to display a facial configuration associated with anger after an "anger-eliciting" event involving an Unmet Goal. Together, these experiments suggest that infants start to refine broad concepts of affect into more precise emotion concepts over the first 2 years of life, before learning emotion language. These findings are a first step toward addressing a long-standing theoretical debate in affective science about the nature of early emotion concepts.

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There is extensive disagreement as to whether preverbal infants have conceptual categories for different emotions (e.g., anger vs. disgust). In addition, few studies have examined whether infants have conceptual categories of emotions within the same dimension of valence and arousal (e.g., high arousal, negative emotions). The current experiments explore one aspect of infants' ability to form conceptual categories of emotions: event-emotion matching. Three experiments investigated whether infants match different negative emotions to specific events. In Experiment 1, 14- and 18-month-olds were randomly assigned to 1 of 3 negative emotion conditions (Anger, Fear, or Disgust). Infants were familiarized with an Emoter interacting with objects in an anger-eliciting event (Unmet Goal) and a disgust-eliciting event (New Food). After each event, the Emoter expressed an emotion that was either congruent or incongruent with the event. Infants matched unmet goals to the expression of anger. However, neither age matched the expression of disgust to an event involving exposure to new food. To probe whether this was a design artifact, a revised New Food event and a fear-congruent event (Strange Toy) were created for Experiment 2. Infants matched the expression of disgust to the new food event, but they did not match fear to an event involving an unfamiliar object. Experiment 3 replicated the disgust findings from Experiment 2 in a sample of 14-month-olds. However, the anger findings from Experiment 1 did not replicate. Taken together, these results suggest that preverbal infants are beginning to form specific matches between some negative emotional expressions and events. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).

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Previous research has found that the categorization of emotional facial expressions is influenced by a variety of factors, such as processing time, facial mimicry, emotion labels, and perceptual cues. However, past research has frequently confounded these factors, making it impossible to ascertain how adults use this varied information to categorize emotions. The current study is the first to explore the magnitude of impact for each of these factors on emotion categorization in the same paradigm. Participants (N = 102) categorized anger and disgust emotional facial expressions in a novel computerized task, modeled on similar tasks in the developmental literature with preverbal infants. Experimental conditions manipulated (a) whether the task was time-restricted, and (b) whether the labels "anger" and "disgust" were used in the instructions. Participants were significantly more accurate when provided with unlimited response time and emotion labels. Participants who were given restricted sorting time (2s) and no emotion labels tended to focus on perceptual features of the faces when categorizing the emotions, which led to low sorting accuracy. In addition, facial mimicry related to greater sorting accuracy. These results suggest that when high-level (labeling) categorization strategies are unavailable, adults use low-level (perceptual) strategies to categorize facial expressions. Methodological implications for the study of emotion are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2018 APA, all rights reserved).

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For decades, scholars have examined how children first recognize emotional facial expressions. This research has found that infants younger than 10 months can discriminate negative, within-valence facial expressions in looking time tasks, and children older than 24 months struggle to categorize these expressions in labeling and free-sort tasks. Specifically, these older children, and even adults, consistently misidentify disgust expressions as anger. Although some scholars have hypothesized that young infants would also be unable to categorize anger and disgust expressions, this question has not been empirically tested. In addition, very little research has examined developmental changes in infants' perceptual categorization abilities with high arousal, within-valence emotions. For this reason, the current study tested 10- and 18-month-olds in a looking time task and found that both age groups could perceptually categorize anger and disgust facial expressions. Furthermore, 18-month-olds showed a heightened sensitivity to novel anger expressions, suggesting that, over the second year of life, infants' emotion categorization skills undergo developmental change. These findings are the first to demonstrate that young infants can categorize anger and disgust facial expressions and to document how this skill develops and changes over time. (PsycINFO Database Record

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Adults often attribute internal dispositions to other people and down-play situational factors as explanations of behavior. A few studies have addressed the origins of this proclivity, but none has examined emotions, which rank among the more important dispositions that we attribute to others. Two experiments (N = 270) explored 15-month-old infants' predictive generalizations about other people's emotions. In exposure trials, infants watched an adult (Experimenter) perform actions on a series of objects and observed another adult (Emoter) react with either anger or neutral affect. Infants were then handed the objects to test whether they would imitate the Experimenter's actions. One chief novelty of the study was the inclusion of a generalization trial, in which the Experimenter performed a novel act on a novel object. We systematically manipulated whether the Emoter did or did not respond angrily to this novel demonstration, and whether the Emoter watched the infant's response. Even when no further emotional information was presented in the generalization trial, infants were still hesitant to perform the act when the previously angry Emoter was watching them. Infants tracked the Emoter's affective behavior and, based on her emotional history, they predicted that she would become angry again if she saw them perform a novel act. Making predictive generalizations of this type may be a precursor to more mature trait-like attributions about another person's emotional dispositions.

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