RESUMEN
Resumen El propósito del presente trabajo es socializar el impacto del Programa de Tutorías en la trayectoria educativa de los ingresantes a la carrera de medicina veterinaria de la Universidad Nacional del Litoral. El Programa de tutorías data del año 2010 cuando mediante el plan de mejoramiento de la carrera se instaura la necesidad de iniciar una labor de acompañamiento dirigida a los estudiantes ingresantes. Dicho programa se lleva a cabo mediante la labor profesional realizada desde la cátedra de Introducción a la Veterinaria, el Director de carrera y el Servicio de Orientación Educativa (S.O.E) de la Facultad de Ciencias Veterinarias siendo los co-responsables de dicha ejecución. El desafío constante del programa es responder a la construcción continua de alternativas que permitan a los estudiantes apropiarse de las habilidades necesarias para alcanzar el éxito académico. Teniendo en cuenta los resultados se observa que el Programa de Tutorías es recomendado por el 98% de los tutorados, debido a que el mismo es favorecedor de los procesos de afiliación universitaria. La novedad del programa es que se lleva a cabo por estudiantes avanzados, quienes luego de un proceso de selección y capacitación realizan la tarea orientativa.
Abstract The purpose of this work is to socialize the impact of the Mentoring Program in the educational path of the entrants to the veterinary medicine career at the National University of the Coast. The Mentoring Program dates back to 2010 when, through the career improvement plan, the need to start an accompaniment work aimed at incoming students was established. This program is carried out through the professional work carried out by the Chair of Introduction to Veterinary Medicine, the Career Director and the Educational Guidance Service (S.O.E) of the Faculty of Veterinary Sciences, being the co-responsible for said execution. The constant challenge of the program is to respond to the continuous construction of alternatives that allow students to appropriate the necessary skills to achieve academic success. Taking into account the results, it can be seen that the Tutoring Program is recommended by 98% of the tutors, because it is favorable to the university affiliation processes. The novelty of the program is that it is carried out by advanced students, who after a selection and training process carry out the orientation task.
RESUMEN
Mexican immigrants to the United States have better reproductive outcomes than do U.S.-born non-Latina whites. Explanations offered for this "epidemiologic paradox" include (1) poor outcomes among Mexican women may be hidden by their return to Mexico; (2) Mexican women may have a higher fetal death rate that alters the pattern of live birth outcomes; (3) Mexican women may have socioeconomic characteristics which, if properly measured, would explain the outcome; (4) Mexican women may have personal characteristics which would explain the outcome, if properly measured; (5) there may be ameliorative or salutogenic "protective" effects of culture; and (6) migration may be selective of healthier women who are thus more prone to positive outcomes. We test these explanations, with an emphasis on the last one, using a data set that combines reproductive histories and birth outcomes for Mexico-born women delivering in San Diego, California and Mexican women delivering in Tijuana, Mexico. These data are compared with U.S.-born Latinas and U.S.-born non-Latina Whites. Multivariate logistic regression analysis suggests that when controlling for birth history (stillbirths and miscarriages), socioeconomic characteristics (education and prenatal visits), personal characteristics (age, parity, time in area, history of family problems), and health characteristics (history of smoking, alcohol use, drug use, anemia, vaginal bleeding, urinary infection), the adjusted odds of a positive birth outcome (measured as a live birth of 2500 grams or more) is highest for women delivering in Tijuana, implying that migrants may not be so selective when compared to the country of origin. The number of prenatal visits was an important explanatory variable.
RESUMEN
PIP: Mexico's National Demographic Survey of 1982 indicated that 58.4% of ever married women had been in marriages celebrated both civilly and religiously, 24.4% had been in civil marriages only, 3.0% had been in religious marriages only, and 14.2% had been in consensual unions. Transitions from 1 type of union to another by the same couple are very common, however. 53.6% of women began their conjugal lives in civil and religious marriages, 19.3% in civil marriages only, 2.3% in religious marriages only, and 24.6% in consensual unions. About 1/2 of consensual unions are eventually legalized, but the rate is lower in the less advantaged socioeconomic sectors which have a higher proportion of consensual unions. Corrected data show that only 7.5% of Mexican women remain single at the age of 45. The average age at 1st union is 21.4 years. Marriage patterns differ significantly in different social sectors. The proportion of women consensual unions varied from 16.1% for the new bourgeoisie, defined as administrators, technicians, high-level workers, and professional public officials, to over 30% for nonsalaried workers, peasants, and agricultural wage workers. Peasants, agricultural wage workers and nonagricultural nonsalaried workers had the lowest marriage ages and the highest proportion married by age 20. In the various proletarian groups, only 2.8-3.7% remained single at age 45, and 42.5%-51.3% were married or in union by age 20. Proletarian women had intermediate ages at 1st marriage. Women of the new bourgeoisie had the highest age at 1st union, 23 years, but the lowest proportion single at age 45, 1.8%. The traditional bourgeoisie and new bourgeoisie had the 2nd lowest age at 1st union, 21.9, and a proportion never married at age 45 that was similar to the national average. The proportion single at age 45 was highest among peasants and agricultural wage workers, reaching 11.3%.^ieng