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Background: Nearly half of all pregnancies in the United States are considered unintended (mistimed or unwanted), and this rate is even higher among younger and lower income women. The Affordable Care Act (ACA) dependent coverage provision may have influenced the frequency of unintended pregnancies by increasing accessibility to and affordability of family planning services among young adults. Furthermore, the impact of this provision may differ by young adult income level as those with lower income are less likely to be insured and thus more likely to benefit from this provision. Our objective was to estimate the association between the ACA dependent coverage provision and unintended pregnancy, overall, and by young adult income level. Methods: We applied a difference-in-differences approach to data from multiple cycles of the National Survey of Family Growth (n = 10,104) and compared trends in unintended pregnancy between those who were eligible to benefit (ages 18-25 years) and those who were ineligible to benefit (ages 26-33 years) from the provision, overall, and among income subgroups. Results: We found evidence that the dependent coverage provision was associated with a -7.4 percentage point reduction (95% CI: -13.5, -1.3) in the prevalence of unintended pregnancy among young adults with lower income (<100% of the federal poverty level). There was limited evidence, however, that the provision was associated with unintended pregnancy among young adults with higher income levels. Conclusions: These findings suggest the ACA dependent coverage provision may have reduced unintended pregnancy among a particularly high-risk group (i.e., young adults with lower income).
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During the COVID-19 pandemic, nearly all US states enacted stay-at-home orders, upending usual childcare arrangements and providing a unique opportunity to study the association between childcare disruptions and maternal health. Using data from the 2021-2022 National Survey of Children's Health, we estimated the association between childcare disruptions due to the COVID-19 pandemic and self-reported mental and physical health among female parents of young children (ages 0-5 years). Further, we assessed racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic disparities in (1) the prevalence of childcare disruptions due to the COVID-19 pandemic and (2) the association between childcare disruptions and mental or physical health. Female parents who experienced childcare disruptions due to the COVID-19 pandemic were less likely to report excellent or very good mental (-7.4 percentage points) or physical (-2.5 percentage points) health. Further, childcare disruptions were more common among parents with greater socioeconomic privilege (ie, higher education, higher income), but may have been more detrimental to health among parents with less socioeconomic privilege (eg, lower education, lower income, and single parents). As state and federal policymakers take action to address the maternal health crisis in the United States, our findings suggest that measures to improve childcare stability may also promote maternal health and health equity.
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In the United States, there are profound and persistent racial and ethnic disparities in pregnancy-related health, emphasizing the need to promote racial health equity through public policy. There is evidence that the Affordable Care Act (ACA) increased health insurance coverage, access to health care, and health care utilization, and may have affected some pregnancy-related health outcomes (eg, preterm delivery). It is unclear, however, whether these impacts on pregnancy-related outcomes were equitably distributed across race and ethnicity. Thus, the objective of this study was to fill that gap by summarizing the peer-reviewed evidence regarding the impact of the ACA on racial and ethnic disparities in pregnancy-related health outcomes. The authors conducted a scoping review following the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses Extension for Scoping Reviews (PRISMA-ScR), using broad search terms to identify relevant peer-reviewed literature in PubMed, Web of Science, and EconLit. The authors identified and reviewed n = 21 studies and found that the current literature suggests that the ACA and its components were differentially associated with contraception-related and fertility-related outcomes by race/ethnicity. Literature regarding pregnancy health, birth outcomes, and postpartum health, however, was sparse and mixed, making it difficult to draw conclusions regarding the impact on racial/ethnic disparities in these outcomes. To inform future health policy that reduces racial disparities, additional work is needed to clarify the impacts of contemporary health policy, like the ACA, on racial disparities in pregnancy health, birth outcomes, and postpartum health.
Asunto(s)
Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act , Humanos , Embarazo , Femenino , Estados Unidos , Equidad en Salud , Resultado del Embarazo/etnología , Resultado del Embarazo/epidemiología , Accesibilidad a los Servicios de Salud/estadística & datos numéricos , Cobertura del Seguro/estadística & datos numéricosRESUMEN
Importance: Pursuant to the Families First Coronavirus Response Act (FFCRA), continuous Medicaid eligibility during the COVID-19 public health emergency (PHE) created a de facto national extension of pregnancy Medicaid eligibility beyond 60 days postpartum. Objective: To evaluate the association of continuous Medicaid eligibility with postpartum health insurance, health care use, breastfeeding, and depressive symptoms. Design, Setting, and Participants: This cohort study using a generalized difference-in-differences design included 21 states with continuous prepolicy (2017-2019) and postpolicy (2020-2021) participation in the Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System (PRAMS). Exposures: State-level change in Medicaid income eligibility after 60 days postpartum associated with the FFCRA measured as a percent of the federal poverty level (FPL; ie, the difference in 2020 income eligibility thresholds for pregnant people and low-income adults/parents). Main Outcomes and Measures: Health insurance, postpartum visit attendance, contraceptive use (any effective method; long-acting reversible contraceptives), any breastfeeding and depressive symptoms at the time of the PRAMS survey (mean [SD], 4 [1.3] months postpartum). Results: The sample included 47â¯716 PRAMS respondents (64.4% aged <30 years; 18.9% Hispanic, 26.2% non-Hispanic Black, 36.3% non-Hispanic White, and 18.6% other race or ethnicity) with a Medicaid-paid birth. Based on adjusted estimates, a 100% FPL increase in postpartum Medicaid eligibility was associated with a 5.1 percentage point (pp) increase in reported postpartum Medicaid enrollment, no change in commercial coverage, and a 6.6 pp decline in uninsurance. This represents a 40% reduction in postpartum uninsurance after a Medicaid-paid birth compared with the prepolicy baseline of 16.7%. In subgroup analyses by race and ethnicity, uninsurance reductions were observed only among White and Black non-Hispanic individuals; Hispanic individuals had no change. No policy-associated changes were observed in other outcomes. Conclusions and Relevance: In this cohort study, continuous Medicaid eligibility during the COVID-19 PHE was associated with significantly reduced postpartum uninsurance for people with Medicaid-paid births, but was not associated with postpartum visit attendance, contraception use, breastfeeding, or depressive symptoms at approximately 4 months postpartum. These findings, though limited to the context of the COVID-19 PHE, may offer preliminary insight regarding the potential impact of post-pandemic postpartum Medicaid eligibility extensions. Collection of longer-term and more comprehensive follow-up data on postpartum health care and health will be critical to evaluating the effect of ongoing postpartum policy interventions.
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COVID-19 , Medicaid , Adulto , Embarazo , Femenino , Estados Unidos/epidemiología , Humanos , Pandemias , Estudios de Cohortes , COVID-19/epidemiología , Periodo Posparto , Accesibilidad a los Servicios de Salud , AnticonceptivosRESUMEN
PURPOSE: To (1) assess whether residential rurality/urbanicity was associated with the prevalence of 30- or 90-day long COVID, and (2) evaluate whether differences in long COVID risk factors might explain this potential disparity. METHODS: We used data from the Michigan COVID-19 Recovery Surveillance Study, a population-based probability sample of adults with COVID-19 (n = 4,937). We measured residential rurality/urbanicity using dichotomized Rural-Urban Commuting Area codes (metropolitan, nonmetropolitan). We considered outcomes of 30-day long COVID (illness duration ≥30 days) and 90-day long COVID (illness duration ≥90 days). Using Poisson regression, we estimated unadjusted prevalence ratios (PRs) to compare 30- and 90-day long COVID between metropolitan and nonmetropolitan respondents. Then, we adjusted our model to account for differences between groups in long COVID risk factors (age, sex, acute COVID-19 severity, vaccination status, race and ethnicity, socioeconomic status, health care access, SARS-CoV-2 variant, and pre-existing conditions). We estimated associations for the full study period (Jan 1, 2020-May 31, 2022), the pre-vaccine era (before April 5, 2021), and the vaccine era (after April 5, 2021). FINDINGS: Compared to metropolitan adults, the prevalence of 30-day long COVID was 15% higher (PR = 1.15 [95% CI: 1.03, 1.29]), and the prevalence of 90-day long COVID was 27% higher (PR = 1.27 [95% CI: 1.09, 1.49]) among nonmetropolitan adults. Adjusting for long COVID risk factors did not reduce disparity estimates in the pre-vaccine era but halved estimates in the vaccine era. CONCLUSIONS: Our findings provide evidence of a rural-urban disparity in long COVID and suggest that the factors contributing to this disparity changed over time as the sociopolitical context of the pandemic evolved and COVID-19 vaccines were introduced.
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COVID-19 , Adulto , Humanos , COVID-19/epidemiología , SARS-CoV-2 , Michigan/epidemiología , Síndrome Post Agudo de COVID-19 , Prevalencia , Vacunas contra la COVID-19 , Estudios Transversales , Población Urbana , Reacción en Cadena de la Polimerasa , Prueba de COVID-19RESUMEN
OBJECTIVE(S): The Affordable Care Act contraception mandate could reduce unintended pregnancies by increasing access and affordability of contraceptive resources, e.g., long-acting reversible contraceptives (LARCs). We assessed: (1) whether unintended pregnancies decreased post-mandate, and (2) whether this decrease differed by demographic characteristics. STUDY DESIGN: We used data from the National Survey of Family Growth (unweighted nâ¯=â¯7409) in logistic regression analyses to compare odds of unintended pregnancy pre-mandate (2008-2010) vs post-mandate (2013-2015), overall and stratified by demographic characteristics. RESULTS: Paralleling an increase in long-acting reversible contraceptive use (pâ¯<â¯0.01), post-mandate, the odds of experiencing unintended pregnancy in the prior year decreased 15% overall (OR: 0.85, 95% CI: 0.62, 1.17), with the greatest reduction observed among women with government-sponsored insurance (OR: 0.63, 95% CI: 0.41, 0.97). CONCLUSIONS: Unintended pregnancy decreased following the contraception mandate, although possibly due to chance. The short study period relative to the mandate could under-estimate the mandate's effect.