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We assessed infant's gaze in a teasing task in New York City public spaces. The task was administered to two different groups of 5- to 13-month-old infants. We used a between participants design across two studies. In Study 1 an experimenter administered the task to these infants (n = 79), whereas a parent did so in Study 2 (n = 79). The adult engaged the infant with a toy and then pulled it away to one side by counting to 7. A second trial to the other side was repeated. Infants passed the teasing task if they looked to the adult's face within the first 5 seconds after removing the toy in at least one trial. In Study 1, we found that infants looked to the experimenter's face after teasing by 7 months of age. In Study 2, infants did not show any significant gazes to the parent's face after teasing at any age. Most trained parents successfully administered the teasing task to their infant. A teasing game played by an adult stranger (e.g., experimenter) may be optimal to elicit infant's gaze in a naturalistic setting. Implications for developing cost-effective social-cognitive milestone measures in non-laboratory settings are discussed.

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PURPOSE: This paper examines whether bilingual children with Specific Language Impairment (SLI) showed limited comprehension of Direct Object (DO) pronoun sentences and/or morphosyntactic priming compared to children with Typical Language Development (TLD) and adults. We analyzed the relation of these morphosyntactic processes to other psycholinguistic abilities, according to the MUC (Memory-Unification-Control) model. METHOD: Ten bilingual native Spanish-speaking children with SLI (8;3-10;6) and 10 age-matched children with TLD (7;6-10;10) received a psycholinguistic evaluation in Spanish-English. The 20 children and 10 adults (19-34) performed an on-line cross-modal pronoun task. They listened to long distance animate DO pronoun sentences, and filler sentences without any pronoun. At the offset of the pronoun in each pronoun sentence, a picture of an animal for the antecedent (match condition), another animal for the second noun (mismatch), or an unrelated object (neutral) was displayed on the screen. In the filler sentences, a picture of an object that depicted the first noun, appeared at the offset of another later noun. Participants decided whether that pictured item was "alive"/"not alive" by pressing two keys on the computer keyboard. Immediately after, they answered an oral comprehension question about the DO pronoun sentence. RESULTS: Bilingual children with SLI showed significantly poorer comprehension of DO pronoun sentences than bilingual children with TLD. Pronoun sentence understanding in the overall children correlated significantly with oral sentence completion, expressive vocabulary abilities, auditory story comprehension, and the non-word repetition task, all in Spanish. Adults showed significantly the highest pronoun sentence comprehension, and the fastest animacy decisions across conditions; it was the only group showing a significant behavioral morphosyntactic priming effect. All groups exhibited high accuracy in the animacy decisions across conditions, although children with SLI showed lower accuracy and more variability. CONCLUSION: Bilingual Spanish-English children with SLI showed significant limitations in understanding long distance animate DO pronoun sentences. The deficits were also related to weak morphosyntactic, lexical, and/or phonological representations stored in their memory. These processes may be harder to combine in the unification process, and also to control for answering the comprehension questions. Clinical and educational implications are discussed.

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Eleven native Spanish-speaking children with Specific Language Impairment (SLI) (8;3-10;11) and 11 typically developing children (8;7-10;8) received a comprehensive psycholinguistic evaluation. Participants listened to either Direct Object (DO) pronoun sentences or filler sentences without any pronoun, and they decided whether a picture on the screen (depicting the antecedent, another noun in the sentence, or an unrelated object) was 'alive'. They answered comprehension questions about pronoun sentences. Children with SLI showed significantly poorer comprehension of DO pronoun sentences when answering comprehension questions than children with Typical Language Development (TLD). This poor pronoun sentence understanding correlated significantly with poor auditory sentence completion, non-word repetition task and expressive vocabulary skills. Children with SLI were significantly slower in the animacy decisions than children with TLD across all pronoun and filler sentence conditions. Both groups exhibited high accuracy in the animacy decisions for any conditions. Clinical implications are discussed.

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We analyzed whether Spanish-speaking children with Specific Language Impairment (SLI) showed deficits in lexical-semantic processing/organization, and whether these lexical measures correlated with standardized measures of language abilities. Fourteen children with Typical Language Development (TLD) and 16 age-matched children with SLI (8;0-9;11 years) participated. In a Lexical Decision (LD) task with implicit semantic priming, children judged whether a given speech pair contained two words (semantically related/unrelated) or a word-pseudoword. Children received a comprehensive language and reading test battery. Children with TLD exhibited significant semantic priming; they were faster for semantically related word pairs than for unrelated (p < .001) and than for word-pseudoword pairs (p < .0002). The group with SLI did not exhibit significant semantic priming, despite showing more variability. Children with SLI made significantly slower LDs [F(1, 26) = 4.61, p < .05, partial η2 = .15] and more errors [F(1, 26) = 4.16, p < .05, partial η2 = .13] than children with TLD. Mean response time across all LD conditions and the receptive vocabulary (PPVT-III) were significantly negativity correlated for children with SLI (r = -.71, p = .004). Children with SLI, especially those with the poorest language scores, showed a semantic-lexical deficit and a weakness in lexical-semantic association networks. Their performance on the LD task was significantly slower and poorer than for children with TLD. Increasing a child’s vocabulary may benefit lexical access (AU)

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We analyzed whether Spanish-speaking children with Specific Language Impairment (SLI) showed deficits in lexical-semantic processing/organization, and whether these lexical measures correlated with standardized measures of language abilities. Fourteen children with Typical Language Development (TLD) and 16 age-matched children with SLI (8;0-9;11 years) participated. In a Lexical Decision (LD) task with implicit semantic priming, children judged whether a given speech pair contained two words (semantically related/unrelated) or a word-pseudoword. Children received a comprehensive language and reading test battery. Children with TLD exhibited significant semantic priming; they were faster for semantically related word pairs than for unrelated (p < .001) and than for word-pseudoword pairs (p < .0002). The group with SLI did not exhibit significant semantic priming, despite showing more variability. Children with SLI made significantly slower LDs [F(1, 26) = 4.61, p < .05, partial η2 = .15] and more errors [F(1, 26) = 4.16, p < .05, partial η2 = .13] than children with TLD. Mean response time across all LD conditions and the receptive vocabulary (PPVT-III) were significantly negativity correlated for children with SLI (r = -.71, p = .004). Children with SLI, especially those with the poorest language scores, showed a semantic-lexical deficit and a weakness in lexical-semantic association networks. Their performance on the LD task was significantly slower and poorer than for children with TLD. Increasing a child's vocabulary may benefit lexical access.

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Although receptive priming has long been used as a way to examine lexical access in adults, few studies have applied this method to children and rarely in an auditory modality. We compared auditory associative priming in children and adults. A testing battery and a Lexical Decision (LD) task was administered to 42 adults and 27 children (8;1-10; 11 years-old) from Spain. They listened to Spanish word pairs (semantically related/unrelated word pairs and word-pseudoword pairs), and tone pairs. Then participants pressed one key for word pairs, and another for pairs with a word and a pseudoword. They also had to press the two keys alternatively for tone pairs as a basic auditory control. Both groups of participants, children and adults, exhibited semantic priming, with significantly faster Reaction Times (RTs) to semantically related word pairs than to unrelated pairs and to the two word-pseudoword sets. The priming effect was twice as large in the adults compared to children, and the children (not the adults) were significantly slower in their response to word-pseudoword pairs than to the unrelated word pairs. Moreover, accuracy was somewhat higher in adults than children for each word pair type, but especially in the word-pseudoword pairs. As expected, children were significantly slower than adults in the RTs for all stimulus types, and their RTs decreased significantly from 8 to 10 years of age and they also decreased in relation to some of their language abilities development (e.g., relative clauses comprehension). In both age groups, the Reaction Time average for tone pairs was lower than for speech pairs, but only all adults obtained 100% accuracy (which was slightly lower in children). Auditory processing and semantic networks are still developing in 8-10 year old children.

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Although receptive priming has long been used as a way to examine lexical access in adults, few studies have applied this method to children and rarely in an auditory modality. We compared auditory associative priming in children and adults. A testing battery and a Lexical Decision (LD) task was administered to 42 adults and 27 children (8;1-10;11 years-old) from Spain. They listened to Spanish word pairs (semantically related/unrelated word pairs and word-pseudoword pairs), and tone pairs. Then participants pressed one key for word pairs, and another for pairs with a word and a pseudoword. They also had to press the two keys alternatively for tone pairs as a basic auditory control. Both groups of participants, children and adults, exhibited semantic priming, with significantly faster Reaction Times (RTs) to semantically related word pairs than to unrelated pairs and to the two word-pseudoword sets. The priming effect was twice as large in the adults compared to children, and the children (not the adults) were significantly slower in their response to wordpseudoword pairs than to the unrelated word pairs. Moreover, accuracy was somewhat higher in adults than children for each word pair type, but especially in the word-pseudoword pairs. As expected, children were significantly slower than adults in the RTs for all stimulus types, and their RTs decreased significantly from 8 to 10 years of age and they also decreased in relation to some of their language abilities development (e.g., relative clauses comprehension). In both age groups, the Reaction Time average for tone pairs was lower than for speech pairs, but only all adults obtained 100% accuracy (which was slightly lower in children). Auditory processing and semantic networks are still developing in 8-10 year old children (AU)

Si bien el «priming» receptivo ha sido ampliamente utilizado como una vía de análisis del acceso léxico en adultos, pocos estudios han aplicado dicho método a la infancia y raramente en la modalidad auditiva. La presente investigación comparó el «priming» asociativo auditivo en población infantil y adulta. Se administró una batería de tests y una tarea de Decisión Léxica a 42 adultos y 27 niños/as (8;1-10;11 años) de España. Dichos participantes escucharon pares de palabras en español (pares de palabras semánticamente relacionadas/no relacionadas y pares de palabra-pseudopalabra), y pares de tonos. A continuación, los participantes pulsaron una tecla para los pares de palabras, y otra para los pares de palabra–pseudopalabra. También tenían que pulsar las dos teclas alternativamente para pares de tonos, como un control auditivo básico. Ambos grupos de participantes, infantil y adulto, mostraron activación semántica, con Tiempos de Reacción (TR) significativamente más rápidos ante los pares de palabras semánticamente relacionadas que ante las palabras no relacionadas y ante las dos series de palabra-pseudopalabra. El efecto facilitador fue el doble en el grupo de adultos respecto al infantil, y dicho grupo infantil (no el adulto) fue significativamente más lento en su respuesta a los pares de palabra-pseudopalabra que a los pares de palabras no relacionadas. Además, la precisión fue algo más alta en el grupo adulto que en el infantil para cada tipo de pares de palabras, pero especialmente en los pares de palabra-pseudopalabra. Como se esperaba, el grupo infantil fue significativamente más lento que el adulto en los TRs para todos los tipos de estímulo, y sus TR disminuyeron significativamente desde los 8 a los 10 años de edad y asimismo disminuyeron en relación con el desarrollo de algunas de sus capacidades lingüísticas (p. ej., comprensión de oraciones relativas). En ambos grupos de edad (infantil y adulto), el tiempo de reacción promedio para los pares de tonos fue menor que para los pares de ítems verbales, pero sólo todos los adultos obtuvieron 100% de precisión (la cual fue ligeramente inferior en el grupo infantil). El procesamiento auditivo y las redes semánticas se están aun desarrollando en los/as niños/as de 8 a 10 años de edad (AU)

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UNLABELLED: We examined the performance of sequential bilingual children with and without Specific Language Impairment (SLI), who had Spanish as an L1 and English as their L2, on an auditory non-word repetition task using Spanish phonotactic patterns. We also analyzed the accuracy with which this task distinguished these children (according to children's and mothers' performance). Eleven Hispanic children with SLI (M=8;10), 11 age-matched children with Typical Language Development (TLD, M=9;1), and 12 mothers, participated. They were living in New York City. The participants' repetition of 20 non-words (four at each of five syllable lengths) was scored for item and segmental accuracy, and error type. We examined the relations among children's non-word repetition performance, language scores, and, for a subset of the children, their mothers' non-word repetition performance. The percentage of correct non-words was significantly lower in children with SLI than in children with TLD. A length effect was found in 3-4-5 syllable non-words. Consonant substitutions and consonant omissions were significantly higher in children with SLI than with TLD. Both groups showed a similar relative pattern of more consonant than vowel errors. The children's non-word repetition performance correlated strongly with three of the four Spanish ITPA subtests we administered. The mothers of children with SLI performed more poorly than the mothers of the children with TLD, for the 20 non-words and the subset of 3-4-5 syllable non-words. Non-word repetition performance is an accurate identifier of language status in these groups (likelihood ratios are reported). The potential clinical application of this task in identifying SLI in bilingual Spanish-speaking children (on the basis of children's and mothers' performance) is discussed. LEARNING OUTCOMES: In the future, with a set of norms, this task could be used as a screening test to help detecting children with SLI or at risk for SLI.

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The paper presents the current state of the art of research identifying the neurophysiological and neuroanatomical substrates of private speech, both in typical and clinical (or atypical) populations. First, it briefly describes the evolution of private speech research, which goes from classic traditions as the naturalistic and referential paradigms to the neurocognitive approach. An overview of the neurophysiological (e.g., event-related potentials or ERPs) and neuroimaging techniques (e.g., functional magnetic resonance imaging or fMRI) is also presented. The next three sections review empirical works about the neurocognitive basis of private speech, across three groups of techniques: ERPs; fMRI/MRI; and other neuroimaging techniques (positron emission tomography [PET], magnetoencephalogram [MEG], and repetitive transcranial magnetic stimulation [rTMS]). Such neurocognitive research analyzes the neural activity of individuals during a variety of task settings, including spontaneous and instructed overt and inner private speech use, subvocal verbalizations, and silent and overt reading. The fifth section focuses on electrophysiological and neuroimaging studies of private speech in atypical populations, for example: schizophrenia, pure alexia, hearing impairment, blindness, social phobia, alexithymia, Parkinson, and multiple sclerosis. The neurocognitive study of the various forms of private speech appears to be very promising in the understanding of these pathologies. Lastly, the advances and new challenges in the field are discussed.

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The paper presents the current state of the art of research identifying the neurophysiological and neuroanatomical substrates of private speech, both in typical and clinical (or atypical) populations.First, it briefly describes the evolution of private speech research, which goes from classic traditions as the naturalistic and referential paradigms to the neurocognitive approach. An overview of the neurophysiological (e.g., event-related potentials or ERPs) and neuroimaging techniques (e.g.,functional magnetic resonance imaging or fMRI) is also presented. The next three sections review empirical works about the neurocognitive basis of private speech, across three groups of techniques: ERPs; fMRI/MRI; and other neuroimaging techniques (positron emission tomography [PET], magneto encephalogram [MEG], and repetitive transcranial magnetic stimulation [rTMS]). Such neurocognitive research analyzes the neural activity of individuals during a variety of task settings, including spontaneous and instructed overt and inner private speech use, subvocal verbalizations, and silent and overt reading. The fifth section focuses on electrophysiological and neuroimaging studies of private speech in atypical populations, for example: schizophrenia, pure alexia, hearing impairment, blindness, social phobia, alexithymia, Parkinson, and multiple sclerosis. The neurocognitive study of the various forms of private speech appears to be very promising in the understanding of these pathologies. Lastly, the advances and new challenges in the field are discussed (AU)

Este trabajo presenta el estado actual de la investigación que identifica los sustratos neurofisiológicos y neuroanatómicos del lenguaje privado, tanto en poblaciones típicas como en clínicas (o atípicas).Primero describe brevemente la evolución de la investigación del lenguaje privado, que van desde las tradiciones clásicas como los paradigmas naturalistas y referenciales al abordaje neurocognitivo. También se presenta una revisión de las técnicas neurofisiológicas (por ejemplo, potenciales relacionados con eventos o ERPs) y de neuroimagen (por ejemplo, imagen de resonancia magnética funcional ofMRI). Las siguientes tres secciones revisan los trabajos empíricos sobre la base neurocognitiva del lenguaje privado a través de tres grupos de técnicas: ERPs; fMRI/MRI; y otras técnicas de neuroimagen(tomografía de emisión de positrones [PET], magneto encefalograma [MEG] y la estimulación magnética repetitiva transcraneal [rTMS]). Esta investigación neurocognitiva analiza la actividad neuronal de los individuos durante diversas tareas, incluyendo el uso del lenguaje privado espontáneo y observable bajo instrucciones y el lenguaje privado interno, las verbalizaciones subvocales y la lectura silenciosa y observable. La quinta sección se centra en los estudios electrofisiológicos y de neuroimágenes del lenguaje privado en poblaciones atípicas, por ejemplo, esquizofrenia, alexia pura, hipoacusia, ceguera, fobia social, alexithymia, Parkinson, y esclerosis múltiple. El estudio neurocognitivo de varias formas del lenguaje privado parece muy prometedor para la comprensión de estas patologías. Por último, se comentan los avances y los nuevos retos en el campo (AU)

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BACKGROUND: A number of previous studies have revealed that children with Specific Language Impairment have limitations in Phonological Working Memory as revealed by a task that requires them to repeat non-words of increasing syllable length. However, most published studies have used non-words that are phonotactically English. AIMS: The purpose was to examine the repetition of non-words that are consistent with the phonotactic patterns of Spanish. The study also examined the relationship between non-word repetition performance and other language measures. METHODS & PROCEDURES: Eleven Spanish-speaking children with Specific Language Impairment and 11 age-matched children with typical language development aged 8;3-10;11, who were part of a larger study of sentence processing, participated in the study. The primary data were the children's repetition of 20 non-words, four at each syllable length (one, two, three, four and five syllables). The children's productions were transcribed and scored for non-word, segmental and cluster accuracy as well as for error type. OUTCOMES & RESULTS: The children with Specific Language Impairment performed more poorly on almost all measures of accuracy, but particularly in their production of three-, four-, and five-syllable non-words. Substitutions were the most frequent error type for both groups. Likelihood ratios indicated that non-word repetition performance is a highly accurate identifier of language status in these preselected groups. The children's non-word repetition was highly correlated with most of the standardized language measures that were administered to the children. CONCLUSIONS: The repetition of non-words consistent with Spanish phonotactics reveals word-length effects and error patterns similar to those found in previous studies. It extends these findings to older school-age Spanish-speaking children with Specific Language Impairment. Given the limited choices for instruments that can be used to identify children with Specific Language Impairment, a Spanish Non-word Repetition Task has the potential to be a valuable screening test for clinical and research purposes.

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Research into human communication has been grouped under two traditions: referential and sociolinguistic. The study of a communication behavior simultaneously from both paradigms appears to be absent. Basically, this paper analyzes the use of private and social speech, through both a referential task (Word Pairs) and a naturalistic dyadic setting (Lego-set) administered to a sample of 64 children from grades 3 and 5. All children, of 8 and 10 years of age, used speech that was not adapted to the decoder, and thus ineffective for interpersonal communication, in both referential and sociolinguistic communication. Pairs of high-skill referential encoders used significantly more task-relevant social speech, that is, cognitively more complex, than did low-skill dyads in the naturalistic context. High-skill referential encoder dyads showed a trend to produce more inaudible private speech than did low-skill ones during spontaneous communication. Gender did not affect the results.

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The purpose of this study was to perform a sequential analysis of private and social speech in children's dyadic communication. To investigate the communication patterns, a category system was applied to the communication of 64 paired third (M = 8 years and 8 months) and fifth (M = 10 years and 8 months) graders, while playing with a Lego-set (construction material). The results revealed that: (a) at both grades, when one child addresses the other child about the task, it is highly probable that the latter will address the first child immediately afterwards and will adapt to task-related semantic content; (b) at both grades, children's private speech about the task stops them from communicating a task-related production to their partner immediately afterwards; (c) at third grade, task-relevant private speech favors the prolongation of the break in interpersonal communication and the use of inner speech by both children; and (d) at fifth grade, children are more able to distinguish private speech from social speech than at third grade.

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