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This study investigated the time-course of online sentence formulation (i.e., incrementality in sentence planning) as a function of the preceding discourse context. In two eye-tracking experiments, participants described pictures of transitive events (e.g., a frog catching a fly). The accessibility of the agent (Experiment 1) and patient (Experiment 2) was manipulated in the discourse preceding each picture. In the Literal condition, participants heard a story where the agent or patient was mentioned explicitly (fly, frog). In the Associative condition, the agent or patient was not mentioned but was primed by the story (via semantically or associatively related words such as insect, small, black, wings). In the No Mention condition, the stories did not explicitly mention or prime either character. The target response was expected to have the same structure and content in all conditions (SVO sentences: The frog catches the fly). The results showed that participants generally looked first at the agent, before speech onset, regardless of condition, and then at the patient around and after speech onset. Analyses of eye movements in time window associated with linguistic planning showed that formulation was sensitive mainly to whether the agent was literally mentioned in the context or not and to lesser extent to conceptual accessibility (Experiment 1). Furthermore, accessibility of the patient (be it literal mention of its name or only availability of the concept) showed no effect on the time-course of utterance planning (Experiment 2). Together, these results suggest that linguistic planning before speech onset was influenced only by the accessibility of the first character name in the sentence, providing further evidence for highly incremental planning in sentence production.

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Speaking is an incremental process where planning and articulation interleave. While incrementality has been studied in reading and online speech production separately, it has not been directly compared within one investigation. This study set out to compare the extent of planning incrementality in online sentence formulation versus reading aloud and how discourse context may constrain the planning scope of utterance preparation differently in these two modes of speech planning. Two eye-tracking experiments are reported: participants either described pictures of transitive events (Experiment 1) or read aloud the written descriptions of those events (Experiment 2). In both experiments, the information status of an object character was manipulated in the discourse preceding each picture or sentence. In the Literal condition, participants heard a story where object character was literally mentioned (e.g., fly). In the No Mention condition, stories did not literally mention nor prime the object character depicted on the picture or written in the sentence. The target response was expected to have the same structure and content in all conditions (The frog catches the fly). During naming, the results showed shorter speech onset latencies in the Literal condition than in the No Mention condition. However, no significant differences in gaze durations were found. In contrast, during reading, there were no significant differences in speech onset latencies but there were significantly longer gaze durations to the target picture/word in the Literal than in the No Mention condition. Our results shot that planning is more incremental during reading than during naming and that discourse context can be helpful during speaker but may hinder during reading aloud. Taken together our results suggest that on-line planning of response is affected by both linguistic and non-linguistic factors.

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This study investigated how sentence formulation is influenced by a preceding discourse context. In two eye-tracking experiments, participants described pictures of two-character transitive events in Dutch (Experiment 1) and Chinese (Experiment 2). Focus was manipulated by presenting questions before each picture. In the Neutral condition, participants first heard "What is happening here?" In the Object or Subject Focus conditions, the questions asked about the Object or Subject character (What is the policeman stopping? Who is stopping the truck?). The target response was the same in all conditions (The policeman is stopping the truck). In both experiments, sentence formulation in the Neutral condition showed the expected pattern of speakers fixating the subject character (policeman) before the object character (truck). In contrast, in the focus conditions speakers rapidly directed their gaze preferentially only to the character they needed to encode to answer the question (the new, or focused, character). The timing of gaze shifts to the new character varied by language group (Dutch vs. Chinese): shifts to the new character occurred earlier when information in the question can be repeated in the response with the same syntactic structure (in Chinese but not in Dutch). The results show that discourse affects the timecourse of linguistic formulation in simple sentences and that these effects can be modulated by language-specific linguistic structures such as parallels in the syntax of questions and declarative sentences.

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The Masked Onset Priming Effect (MOPE) has been reported in speakers' first languages (L1). The aims of the present study are to investigate whether second language (L2) phonology is active during L1 reading, and to disentangle the contributions of orthography and phonology in reading aloud. To this end, Dutch-English bilinguals read aloud L1 target words primed by L2 words, while electroencephalography (EEG) was recorded. The onset of the primes was manipulated to disentangle the contributions of orthography and phonology (i.e. O+P+: kite - KUNST, 'art'; O+P-: knee - KUNST; O-P+: crime - KUNST; O-P-: mine - KUNST). Phonological but not orthographic overlap facilitated RTs. However, event-related brain potentials (ERPs) revealed both orthographic and phonological priming starting 125 ms after target presentation. Taken together, we gained insights into the time course of cross-linguistic priming and demonstrated that L2 phonology is activated rapidly in an L1 environment.

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Self-monitoring in production is critical to correct performance, and recent accounts suggest that such monitoring may occur via the detection of response conflict. The error-related negativity (ERN) is a response-locked event-related potential (ERP) that is sensitive to response conflict. The present study examines whether response conflict is detected in production by exploring a situation where multiple outputs are activated: the bilingual naming of form-related equivalents (i.e. cognates). ERPs were recorded while German-Dutch bilinguals named pictures in their first and second languages. Although cognates were named faster than non-cognates, response conflict was evident in the form of a larger ERN-like response for cognates and adaptation effects on naming, as the magnitude of cognate facilitation was smaller following the naming of cognates. Given that signals of response conflict are present during correct naming, the present results suggest that such conflict may serve as a reliable signal for monitoring in speech production.

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Many contemporary texts include shortcuts, such as cu or phones4u. The aim of this study was to investigate how the meanings of shortcuts are retrieved. A primed lexical decision paradigm was used with shortcuts and the corresponding words as primes. The target word was associatively related to the meaning of the whole prime (cu/see you - goodbye), to a component of the prime (cu/see you - look), or unrelated to the prime. In Experiment 1, primes were presented for 57 ms. For both word and shortcut primes, responses were faster to targets preceded by whole-related than by unrelated primes. No priming from component-related primes was found. In Experiment 2, the prime duration was 1000 ms. The priming effect seen in Experiment 1 was replicated. Additionally, there was priming from component-related word primes, but not from component-related shortcut primes. These results indicate that the meanings of shortcuts can be retrieved without translating them first into corresponding words.

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Speech production long avoided electrophysiological experiments due to the suspicion that potential artifacts caused by muscle activity of overt speech may lead to a bad signal-to-noise ratio in the measurements. Therefore, researchers have sought to assess speech production by using indirect speech production tasks, such as tacit or implicit naming, delayed naming, or meta-linguistic tasks, such as phoneme-monitoring. Covert speech may, however, involve different processes than overt speech production. Recently, overt speech has been investigated using electroencephalography (EEG). As the number of papers published is rising steadily, this clearly indicates the increasing interest and demand for overt speech research within the field of cognitive neuroscience of language. Our main goal here is to review all currently available results of overt speech production involving EEG measurements, such as picture naming, Stroop naming, and reading aloud. We conclude that overt speech production can be successfully studied using electrophysiological measures, for instance, event-related brain potentials (ERPs). We will discuss possible relevant components in the ERP waveform of speech production and aim to address the issue of how to interpret the results of ERP research using overt speech, and whether the ERP components in language production are comparable to results from other fields.

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This study addressed the question as to whether grammatical properties of a first language are transferred to a second language. Dutch-English bilinguals classified Dutch words in white print according to their grammatical gender and colored words (i.e. Dutch common and neuter words, and their English translations) according to their color. Both the classifications were made with the same hand (congruent trials) or different hands (incongruent trials). Performance was more erroneous and the error-elated negativity was enhanced on incongruent compared with congruent trials. This effect was independent of the language in which words were presented. These results provide evidence for the fact that bilinguals may transfer grammatical characteristics of their first language to a second language, even when such characteristics are absent in the grammar of the latter.

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As the popularity of sending messages electronically increases, so does the necessity of conveying messages more efficiently. One way of increasing efficiency is to abbreviate words and expressions by combining letters with numbers such as gr8 for "great," using acronyms, such as lol for "laughing out loud," or clippings such as msg for "message." The present study compares the processing of shortcuts to the processing of closely matched pseudo-shortcuts. ERPs were recorded while participants were performing a lexical decision task. Response times showed that shortcuts were categorized more slowly as nonwords than pseudo-shortcuts. The ERP results showed no differences between shortcuts and pseudo-shortcuts at time windows 50-150ms and 150-270ms, but there were significant differences between 270 and 500ms. These results suggest that at early stages of word recognition, the orthographic and phonological processing is similar for shortcuts and pseudo-shortcuts. However, at the time of lexical access, shortcuts diverge from pseudo-shortcuts, suggesting that shortcuts activate stored lexical representations.

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For efficiency reasons, words in electronic messages are sometimes formed by combining letters with numbers, as in gr8 for "great." The aim of this study was to investigate whether a digit incorporated into a letter-digit shortcut would retain its numerosity. A priming paradigm was used with letter-digit shortcuts (e.g., gr8) and matched pseudoshortcuts (e.g., qr8) as primes. The primes were presented simultaneously with sets of dots (targets) for which even/odd decisions were required, or they appeared 250 msec before target onset. When pseudoshortcuts were presented, decision latencies were shorter when the target and the digit in the prime were matched in parity than when they were mismatched. This main effect of match was not significant for shortcuts. The results suggest that the number concepts of digits combined with letters become activated but are quickly suppressed or deactivated when the digit is part of an existing shortcut.

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The current event-related brain potential study examined the processing of observed speech errors. Participants were asked to detect errors in the speech of others while listening to the description of a visual network. Networks consisted of colored drawings of objects connected by straight or curved lines. We investigated the processing of two types of errors in the network descriptions, i.e., incorrect color and errors in determiners usage (gender agreement violations). In the 100- to 300-ms and 300- to 550-ms time windows, we found larger PMN and N400 amplitudes for both color and determiner error trials compared to correct trials. Furthermore, color but not determiner errors led to larger P600 amplitudes compared to correct color trials. Color errors also showed enhanced P600 amplitudes compared to determiner errors. Taken together, processing erroneous network descriptions elicits different brain potentials than listening to the corresponding correct utterances. Hence, speech is monitored for errors not only during speech production but also during listening to the naturally occurring speech of others.

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This study addresses how verbal self-monitoring and the Error-Related Negativity (ERN) are affected by time pressure when a task is performed in a second language as opposed to performance in the native language. German-Dutch bilinguals were required to perform a phoneme-monitoring task in Dutch with and without a time pressure manipulation. We obtained an ERN following verbal errors that showed an atypical increase in amplitude under time pressure. This finding is taken to suggest that under time pressure participants had more interference from their native language, which in turn led to a greater response conflict and thus enhancement of the amplitude of the ERN. This result demonstrates once more that the ERN is sensitive to psycholinguistic manipulations and suggests that the functioning of the verbal self-monitoring system during speaking is comparable to other performance monitoring, such as action monitoring.

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Speakers continuously monitor what they say. Sometimes, self-monitoring malfunctions and errors pass undetected and uncorrected. In the field of action monitoring, an event-related brain potential, the error-related negativity (ERN), is associated with error processing. The present study relates the ERN to verbal self-monitoring and investigates how the ERN is affected by auditory distractors during verbal monitoring. We found that the ERN was largest following errors that occurred after semantically related distractors had been presented, as compared to semantically unrelated ones. This result demonstrates that the ERN is sensitive not only to response conflict resulting from the incompatibility of motor responses but also to more abstract lexical retrieval conflict resulting from activation of multiple lexical entries. This, in turn, suggests that the functioning of the verbal self-monitoring system during speaking is comparable to other performance monitoring, such as action monitoring.

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During speech production, we continuously monitor what we say. In situations in which speech errors potentially have more severe consequences, e.g. during a public presentation, our verbal self-monitoring system may pay special attention to prevent errors than in situations in which speech errors are more acceptable, such as a casual conversation. In an event-related potential study, we investigated whether or not motivation affected participants' performance using a picture naming task in a semantic blocking paradigm. Semantic context of to-be-named pictures was manipulated; blocks were semantically related (e.g., cat, dog, horse, etc.) or semantically unrelated (e.g., cat, table, flute, etc.). Motivation was manipulated independently by monetary reward. The motivation manipulation did not affect error rate during picture naming. However, the high-motivation condition yielded increased amplitude and latency values of the error-related negativity (ERN) compared to the low-motivation condition, presumably indicating higher monitoring activity. Furthermore, participants showed semantic interference effects in reaction times and error rates. The ERN amplitude was also larger during semantically related than unrelated blocks, presumably indicating that semantic relatedness induces more conflict between possible verbal responses.

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The Error-Related Negativity (ERN) is a component of the event-related brain potential (ERP) that is associated with action monitoring and error detection. The present study addressed the question whether or not an ERN occurs after verbal error detection, e.g., during phoneme monitoring. We obtained an ERN following verbal errors which showed a typical decrease in amplitude under severe time pressure. This result demonstrates that the functioning of the verbal self-monitoring system is comparable to other performance monitoring, such as action monitoring. Furthermore, we found that participants made more errors in phoneme monitoring under time pressure than in a control condition. This may suggest that time pressure decreases the amount of resources available to a capacity-limited self-monitor thereby leading to more errors.

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