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The processing of notes and chords which are harmonically incongruous with their context has been shown to elicit two distinct late ERP effects. These effects strongly resemble two effects associated with the processing of linguistic incongruities: a P600, resembling a typical response to syntactic incongruities in language, and an N500, evocative of the N400, which is typically elicited in response to semantic incongruities in language. Despite the robustness of these two patterns in the musical incongruity literature, no consensus has yet been reached as to the reasons for the existence of two distinct responses to harmonic incongruities. This study was the first to use behavioural and ERP data to test two possible explanations for the existence of these two patterns: the musicianship of listeners, and the resolved or unresolved nature of the harmonic incongruities. Results showed that harmonically incongruous notes and chords elicited a late positivity similar to the P600 when they were embedded within sequences which started and ended in the same key (harmonically resolved). The notes and chords which indicated that there would be no return to the original key (leaving the piece harmonically unresolved) were associated with a further P600 in musicians, but with a negativity resembling the N500 in non-musicians. We suggest that the late positivity reflects the conscious perception of a specific element as being incongruous with its context and the efforts of musicians to integrate the harmonic incongruity into its local context as a result of their analytic listening style, while the late negativity reflects the detection of the absence of resolution in non-musicians as a result of their holistic listening style.

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Research into similarities between music and language processing is currently experiencing a strong renewed interest. Recent methodological advances have led to neuroimaging studies presenting striking similarities between neural patterns associated with the processing of music and language--notably, in the study of participants' responses to elements that are incongruous with their musical or linguistic context. Responding to a call for greater systematicity by leading researchers in the field of music and language psychology, this article describes the creation, selection, and validation of a set of auditory stimuli in which both congruence and resolution were manipulated in equivalent ways across harmony, rhythm, semantics, and syntax. Three conditions were created by changing the contexts preceding and following musical and linguistic incongruities originally used for effect by authors and composers: Stimuli in the incongruous-resolved condition reproduced the original incongruity and resolution into the same context; stimuli in the incongruous-unresolved condition reproduced the incongruity but continued postincongruity with a new context dictated by the incongruity; and stimuli in the congruous condition presented the same element of interest, but the entire context was adapted to match it so that it was no longer incongruous. The manipulations described in this article rendered unrecognizable the original incongruities from which the stimuli were adapted, while maintaining ecological validity. The norming procedure and validation study resulted in a significant increase in perceived oddity from congruous to incongruous-resolved and from incongruous-resolved to incongruous-unresolved in all four components of music and language, making this set of stimuli a theoretically grounded and empirically validated resource for this growing area of research.

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In Koornneef and Van Berkum's (2006) eye-tracking study of implicit causality (Caramazza, Grober, Garvey, & Yates, 1977), midsentence delays were observed in the processing of sentences such as "David blamed Linda because she((bias-congruent))/he((bias-incongruent)) . . . " when the pronoun following because was incongruent with the bias of the implicit-causality verb. The authors suggested that these immediate delays could be attributed to participants predicting a bias-congruent pronoun after because. According to this explanation, any other word placed after because should cause processing delays. The present investigation aimed to test this explanation by using sentences of the form "David blamed Linda because she((bias-congruent))/he((bias-incongruent))/there((bias-neutral)) . . . ". Since significant immediate delays were observed in sentences containing a bias-incongruent pronoun (relative to a bias-congruent pronoun) but not in sentences containing there, the results of this study support an immediate integration effect but pose a problem to the word-specific prediction account of the implicit causality effect.

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