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Objectives Adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) have been linked with ill-health in adulthood, but ACE literature has focused on family disruption or dysfunction (e.g., child abuse, parental separation), with less attention to economic adversity. We examined whether a mother's economic hardship in childhood (EHC) was associated with women's hardships and health-risk behaviors during/just before pregnancy. Methods We analyzed population-based survey data on 27,102 postpartum California women. EHC included respondents' reports that during childhood they/their families experienced hunger because of inability to afford food or moved because of problems paying rent/mortgage and the frequency of difficulty paying for basic needs. We examined six maternal hardships/behaviors during/just before pregnancy, including four hardships (poverty, food insecurity, homelessness/no regular place to sleep, intimate partner violence) and two behaviors (smoking, binge drinking). Prevalence ratios (PRs) were calculated from sequential logistic regression models estimating associations between EHC (categorized by level of hardship) and each maternal hardship/behavior, first without adjustment, then adjusting for other childhood and current maternal factors, and finally adding family disruption/dysfunction. Results Before adjustment for family disruption/dysfunction, the highest and intermediate EHC levels were associated with each maternal hardship/behavior; after full adjustment, those associations persisted except with smoking. Higher EHC levels generally appeared associated with larger PRs, although confidence intervals overlapped. Conclusions for Policy/Practice These findings link childhood economic hardship with women's hardships, binge drinking, and possibly smoking around the time of pregnancy. Without establishing causality, they support previous research indicating that childhood economic adversity should be considered an ACE.

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OBJECTIVES: The causes of the large and persistent Black-White disparity in preterm birth (PTB) are unknown. It is biologically plausible that chronic stress across a woman's life course could be a contributor. Prior research suggests that chronic worry about experiencing racial discrimination could affect PTB through neuroendocrine, vascular, or immune mechanisms involved in both responses to stress and the initiation of labor. This study aimed to examine the role of chronic worry about racial discrimination in Black-White disparities in PTB. METHODS: The data source was cross-sectional California statewide-representative surveys of 2,201 Black and 8,122 White, non-Latino, U.S.-born postpartum women with singleton live births during 2011-2014. Chronic worry about racial discrimination (chronic worry) was defined as responses of "very often" or "somewhat often" (vs. "not very often" or "never") to the question: "Overall during your life until now, how often have you worried that you might be treated or viewed unfairly because of your race or ethnic group?" Prevalence ratios (PRs) with 95% Confidence Intervals (CI) were calculated from sequential logistic regression models, before and after adjustment for multiple social/demographic, behavioral, and medical factors, to estimate the magnitude of: (a) PTB risks associated with chronic worry among Black women and among White women; and (b) Black-White disparities in PTB, before and after adjustment for chronic worry. RESULTS: Among Black and White women respectively, 36.9 (95% CI 32.9-40.9) % and 5.5 (95% CI 4.5-6.5) % reported chronic worry about racial discrimination; rates were highest among Black women of higher income and education levels. Chronic worry was significantly associated with PTB among Black women before (PR 1.73, 95% CI 1.12-2.67) and after (PR 2.00, 95% CI 1.33-3.01) adjustment for covariates. The unadjusted Black-White disparity in PTB (PR 1.59, 95%CI 1.21-2.09) appeared attenuated and became non-significant after adjustment for chronic worry (PR 1.30, 95% CI 0.93-1.81); it appeared further attenuated after adding the covariates (PR 1.17, 95% CI 0.85-1.63). CONCLUSIONS: Chronic worry about racial discrimination may play an important role in Black-White disparities in PTB and may help explain the puzzling and repeatedly observed greater PTB disparities among more socioeconomically-advantaged women. Although the single measure of experiences of racial discrimination used in this study precluded examination of the role of other experiences of racial discrimination, such as overt incidents, it is likely that our findings reflect an association between one or more experiences of racial discrimination and PTB. Further research should examine a range of experiences of racial discrimination, including not only chronic worry but other psychological and emotional states and both subtle and overt incidents as well. These dramatic results from a large statewide-representative study add to a growing-but not widely known-literature linking racism-related stress with physical health in general, and shed light on the links between racism-related stress and PTB specifically. Without being causally definitive, this study's findings should stimulate further research and heighten awareness of the potential role of unmeasured social variables, such as diverse experiences of racial discrimination, in racial disparities in health.

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OBJECTIVES: To investigate the contribution of school neighborhood socioeconomic advantage to the association between school-district physical education policy compliance in California public schools and Latino students' physical fitness. METHODS: Cross-sectional Fitnessgram data for public-school students were linked with school- and district-level information, district-level physical education policy compliance from 2004-2005 and 2005-2006, and 2000 United States Census data. Multilevel logistic regression models examined whether income and education levels in school neighborhoods moderated the effects of district-level physical education policy compliance on Latino fifth-graders' fitness levels. RESULTS: Physical education compliance data were available for 48 California school districts, which included 64,073 Latino fifth-graders. Fewer than half (23, or 46%) of these districts were found to be in compliance, and only 16% of Latino fifth-graders attended schools in compliant districts. Overall, there was a positive association between district compliance with physical education policy and fitness (OR, 95%CI: 1.38, 1.07, 1.78) adjusted for covariates. There was no significant interaction between school neighborhood socioeconomic advantage and physical education policy compliance (p>.05): there was a positive pattern in the association between school district compliance with physical education policy and student fitness levels across levels of socioeconomic advantage, though the association was not always significant. CONCLUSIONS: Across neighborhoods with varying levels of socioeconomic advantage, increasing physical education policy compliance in elementary schools may be an effective strategy for improving fitness among Latino children.

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Objectives To investigate Latina-White differences in birth outcomes in California from 2003 to 2010, looking for evidence of the often-cited "Latina paradox" and assessing the possible role of socioeconomic factors in observed differences. MethodsUsing statewide-representative data from the California Maternal and Infant Health Assessment, an annual population-based postpartum survey, we compared rates of preterm birth (PTB) and low birth weight (LBW) in five groups: U.S.-born non-Latina Whites ("Whites"), U.S.-born Mexican-Americans, U.S.-born non-Mexican Latinas, Mexican immigrants, and non-Mexican Latina immigrants. Logistic regression models examined the relative likelihood of PTB and LBW for women in each Latina subgroup compared with Whites, before and after adjustment for socioeconomic and other covariates. Results In unadjusted analyses, women in each Latina subgroup appeared more likely than White women to have PTB and LBW, although the increased likelihood of LBW among Mexican immigrants was statistically non-significant. After adjustment for less favorable socioeconomic characteristics among Latinas compared with Whites, observed differences in the estimated likelihoods of PTB or LBW for Latina subgroups relative to Whites were attenuated and (with the exception of PTB among U.S.-born Mexican Americans) no longer statistically significant. Conclusions We found no evidence of a "Latina paradox" in birth outcomes, which some have cited as evidence that social disadvantage is not always health-damaging. As observed in several previous studies, our findings were non-paradoxical: consistent with their socioeconomic disadvantage, Latinas had worse birth outcomes than non-Latina White women. Policy-makers should not rely on a "Latina paradox" to ensure good birth outcomes among socioeconomically disadvantaged Latina women.

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IMPORTANCE: To our knowledge, few published studies have examined the influence of competitive food and beverage (CF&B) policies on student weight outcomes; none have investigated disparities in the influence of CF&B policies on children's body weight by school neighborhood socioeconomic resources. OBJECTIVE: To investigate whether the association between CF&B policies and population-level trends in childhood overweight/obesity differed by school neighborhood income and education levels. DESIGN, SETTING, AND PARTICIPANTS: This cross-sectional study, from July 2013 to October 2014, compared overweight/obesity prevalence trends before (2001-2005) and after (2006-2010) implementation of CF&B policies in public elementary schools in California. The study included 2 700 880 fifth-grade students in 5362 public schools from 2001 to 2010. EXPOSURES: California CF&B policies (effective July 1, 2004, and July 1, 2007) and school neighborhood income and education levels. MAIN OUTCOMES AND MEASURES: Overweight/obesity defined as a body mass index at or greater than the 85th percentile for age and sex. RESULTS: Overall rates of overweight/obesity ranged from 43.5% in 2001 to 45.8% in 2010. Compared with the period before the introduction of CF&B policies, overweight/obesity trends changed in a favorable direction after the policies took effect (2005-2010); these changes occurred for all children across all school neighborhood socioeconomic levels. In the postpolicy period, these trends differed by school neighborhood socioeconomic advantage. From 2005-2010, trends in overweight/obesity prevalence leveled off among students at schools in socioeconomically disadvantaged neighborhoods but declined in socioeconomically advantaged neighborhoods. Students in the lowest-income neighborhoods experienced zero or near zero change in the odds of overweight/obesity over time: the annual percentage change in overweight/obesity odds was 0.1% for females (95% CI, -0.7 to 0.9) and -0.3% for males (95% CI, -1.1 to 0.5). In contrast, in the highest-income neighborhoods, the annual percentage decline in the odds of overweight was 1.2% for females (95% CI, 0.4 to 1.9) and 1.0% for males (95% CI, 0.3 to 1.8). Findings were similar for school neighborhood education. CONCLUSIONS AND RELEVANCE: Our study found population-level improvements in the prevalence of childhood overweight/obesity that coincided with the period following implementation of statewide CF&B policies (2005-2010). However, these improvements were greatest at schools in the most advantaged neighborhoods. This suggests that CF&B policies may help prevent child obesity; however, the degree of their effectiveness is likely to depend on socioeconomic and other contextual factors in school neighborhoods. To reduce disparities and prevent obesity, school policies and environmental interventions must address relevant contextual factors in school neighborhoods.

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OBJECTIVES: We investigated the role of socioeconomic factors in Black-White disparities in preterm birth (PTB). METHODS: We used the population-based California Maternal and Infant Health Assessment survey and birth certificate data on 10 400 US-born Black and White California residents who gave birth during 2003 to 2010 to examine rates and relative likelihoods of PTB among Black versus White women, with adjustment for multiple socioeconomic factors and covariables. RESULTS: Greater socioeconomic advantage was generally associated with lower PTB rates among White but not Black women. There were no significant Black-White disparities within the most socioeconomically disadvantaged subgroups; Black-White disparities were seen only within more advantaged subgroups. CONCLUSIONS: Socioeconomic factors play an important but complex role in PTB disparities. The absence of Black-White disparities in PTB within certain socioeconomic subgroups, alongside substantial disparities within others, suggests that social factors moderate the disparity. Further research should explore social factors suggested by the literature-including life course socioeconomic experiences and racism-related stress, and the biological pathways through which they operate-as potential contributors to PTB among Black and White women with different levels of social advantage.

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BACKGROUND: Physical education policies have received increased attention as a means for improving physical activity levels, enhancing physical fitness, and contributing to childhood obesity prevention. Although compliance at the school and district levels is likely to be critical for the success of physical education policies, few published studies have focused on this issue. PURPOSE: This study investigated whether school district-level compliance with California physical education policies was associated with physical fitness among 5th-grade public-school students in California. METHODS: Cross-sectional data from FITNESSGRAM(®) 2004-2006, district-level compliance with state physical education requirements for 2004-2006, school- and district-level information, and 2000 U.S. Census data were combined to examine the association between district-level compliance with physical education policies and children's fitness levels. The analysis was completed in 2010. RESULTS: Of the 55 districts with compliance data, 28 (50%) were in compliance with state physical education mandates; these districts represented 21% (216) of schools and 18% (n=16,571) of students in the overall study sample. Controlling for other student-, school-, and district-level characteristics, students in policy-compliant districts were more likely than students in noncompliant districts to meet or exceed physical fitness standards (AOR=1.29, 95% CI=1.03, 1.61). CONCLUSIONS: Policy mandates for physical education in schools may contribute to improvements in children's fitness levels, but their success is likely to depend on mechanisms to ensure compliance.

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The Robert Wood Johnson Foundation Commission to Build a Healthier America was charged to identify strategies beyond medical care to address health disparities in the U.S. related to social and economic disadvantage. Based on insights gained while providing scientific support for the commission's efforts, this paper presents an overview of major issues that arise when assessing evidence to inform policies and programs to address the social determinants of health. While many of the insights are not new, they have not been widely assimilated within medicine and public health. They have particular relevance now, given growing awareness of the important health influences of social factors. The discussion presented here is intended to highlight key considerations for researchers who study social determinants of health and policymakers whose decisions are shaped by research findings. Policies should be based on the best available knowledge, derived from diverse sources and methods. An array of tools and guidelines is now available to guide the assessment of evidence on the social determinants of health, building on--and going beyond--principles first articulated in the "Evidence-Based Medicine" movement. The central thesis of the current paper is that the standards for evidence to guide social policies must be equally rigorous but also more comprehensive than those traditionally used to inform clinical interventions, because social policies must deal with upstream factors that affect health through complex causal pathways over potentially long time periods.

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In the United States, awareness is increasing that medical care alone cannot adequately improve health overall or reduce health disparities without also addressing where and how people live. A critical mass of relevant knowledge has accumulated, documenting associations, exploring pathways and biological mechanisms, and providing a previously unavailable scientific foundation for appreciating the role of social factors in health. We review current knowledge about health effects of social (including economic) factors, knowledge gaps, and research priorities, focusing on upstream social determinants-including economic resources, education, and racial discrimination-that fundamentally shape the downstream determinants, such as behaviors, targeted by most interventions. Research priorities include measuring social factors better, monitoring social factors and health relative to policies, examining health effects of social factors across lifetimes and generations, incrementally elucidating pathways through knowledge linkage, testing multidimensional interventions, and addressing political will as a key barrier to translating knowledge into action.

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To explore the association between paternal education and preterm birth, taking into account maternal social and economic factors. We analyzed data from a population-based cross-sectional postpartum survey, linked with birth certificates, of women who gave birth in California from 1999 through 2005 (n = 21,712). Women whose infants' fathers had not completed college had significantly higher odds of preterm birth than women whose infants' fathers were college graduates, even after adjusting for maternal education and family income [OR (95% CI) = 1.26 (1.01-1.58)]. The effect of paternal education was greater among unmarried women than among married women. Paternal education may represent an important indicator of risk for preterm birth, reflecting social and/or economic factors not measured by maternal education or family income. Researchers and policy makers committed to understanding and reducing socioeconomic disparities in birth outcomes should consider paternal as well as maternal socioeconomic factors in their analyses and policy decisions.

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CONTEXT: Adverse birth outcomes, such as preterm birth and low birth weight, have serious health consequences across the life course. Socioeconomic disparities in birth outcomes have not been the subject of a recent systematic review. The aim of this study was to systematically review the literature on the association of socioeconomic disadvantage with adverse birth outcomes, with specific attention to the strength and consistency of effects across socioeconomic measures, birth outcomes, and populations. EVIDENCE ACQUISITION: Relevant articles published from 1999 to 2007 were obtained through electronic database searches and manual searches of reference lists. English-language studies from industrialized countries were included if (1) study objectives included examination of a socioeconomic disparity in a birth outcome and (2) results were presented on the association between a socioeconomic predictor and a birth outcome related to birth weight, gestational age, or intrauterine growth. Two reviewers extracted data and independently rated study quality; data were analyzed in 2008-2009. EVIDENCE SYNTHESIS: Ninety-three of 106 studies reported a significant association, overall or within a population subgroup, between a socioeconomic measure and a birth outcome. Socioeconomic disadvantage was consistently associated with increased risk across socioeconomic measures, birth outcomes, and countries; many studies observed racial/ethnic differences in the effect of socioeconomic measures. CONCLUSIONS: Socioeconomic differences in birth outcomes remain pervasive, with substantial variation by racial or ethnic subgroup, and are associated with disadvantage measured at multiple levels (individual/family, neighborhood) and time points (childhood, adulthood), and with adverse health behaviors that are themselves socially patterned. Future reviews should focus on identifying interventions to successfully reduce socioeconomic disparities in birth outcomes.

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OBJECTIVES: We aimed to describe socioeconomic disparities in the United States across multiple health indicators and socioeconomic groups. METHODS: Using recent national data on 5 child (infant mortality, health status, activity limitation, healthy eating, sedentary adolescents) and 6 adult (life expectancy, health status, activity limitation, heart disease, diabetes, obesity) health indicators, we examined indicator rates across multiple income or education categories, overall and within racial/ethnic groups. RESULTS: Those with the lowest income and who were least educated were consistently least healthy, but for most indicators, even groups with intermediate income and education levels were less healthy than the wealthiest and most educated. Gradient patterns were seen often among non-Hispanic Blacks and Whites but less consistently among Hispanics. CONCLUSIONS: Health in the United States is often, though not invariably, patterned strongly along both socioeconomic and racial/ethnic lines, suggesting links between hierarchies of social advantage and health. Worse health among the most socially disadvantaged argues for policies prioritizing those groups, but pervasive gradient patterns also indicate a need to address a wider socioeconomic spectrum-which may help garner political support. Routine health reporting should examine socioeconomic and racial/ethnic disparity patterns, jointly and separately.

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To describe income levels and the prevalence of major hardships among women during or just before pregnancy. We separately analyzed 2002-2006 population-based postpartum survey data from California's Maternal and Infant Health Assessment (n = 18,332) and 19 states participating in CDC's Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System (n = 143,452) to examine income and several hardships (divorce/separation, domestic violence, homelessness, financial difficulties, spouse/partner's or respondent's involuntary job loss or incarceration, and, in California only, food insecurity and no social support) during/just before pregnancy. In both samples, over 30% of women were poor (income 400% FPL experienced one or more hardships. These findings paint a disturbing picture of experiences around the time of pregnancy in the United States for many women giving birth and their children, particularly because 60% had previous births. The high prevalence of low income and of serious hardships during pregnancy is of concern, given previous research documenting the adverse health consequences of these experiences and recognition of pregnancy as a critical period for health throughout the life course. Low income and major hardships around the time of pregnancy should be addressed as mainstream U.S. maternal-infant health and social policy issues.

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OBJECTIVES: Stress due to experiences of racism could contribute to African-American women's adverse birth outcomes, but systematic efforts to measure relevant experiences among childbearing women have been limited. We explored the racism experiences of childbearing African-American women to inform subsequent development of improved measures for birth outcomes research. METHODS: Six focus groups were conducted with a total of 40 socioeconomically diverse African-American women of childbearing age in four northern California cities. RESULTS: Women reported experiencing racism (1) throughout the lifecourse, with childhood experiences seeming particularly salient and to have especially enduring effects (2) directly and vicariously, particularly in relation to their children; (3) in interpersonal, institutional, and internalized forms; (4) across different life domains; (5) with active and passive responses; and (6) with pervasive vigilance, anticipating threats to themselves and their children. CONCLUSIONS: This exploratory study's findings support the need for measures reflecting the complexity of childbearing African-American women's racism experiences. In addition to discrete, interpersonal experiences across multiple domains and active/passive responses, which have been measured, birth outcomes research should also measure women's childhood experiences and their potentially enduring impact, perceptions of institutionalized racism and internalized negative stereotypes, vicarious experiences related to their children, vigilance in anticipating future racism events, as well as the pervasiveness and chronicity of racism exposure, all of which could be sources of ongoing stress with potentially serious implications for birth outcomes. Measures of racism addressing these issues should be developed and formally tested.

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We explored how different socioeconomic and racial/ethnic groups in the United States might fare in an influenza pandemic on the basis of social factors that shape exposure, vulnerability to influenza virus, and timeliness and adequacy of treatment. We discuss policies that might differentially affect social groups' risk for illness or death. Our purpose is not to establish the precise magnitude of disparities likely to occur; rather, it is to call attention to avoidable disparities that can be expected in the absence of systematic attention to differential social risks in pandemic preparedness plans. Policy makers at the federal, state, and local levels should consider potential sources of socioeconomic and racial/ethnic disparities during a pandemic and formulate specific plans to minimize these disparities.

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OBJECTIVES: Income data are often missing for substantial proportions of survey participants and these records are often dropped from analyses. To explore the implications of excluding records with missing income, we examined characteristics of survey participants with and without income information. METHODS: Using statewide population-based postpartum survey data from the California Maternal and Infant Health Assessment, we compared the age, education, parity, marital status, timely prenatal care initiation, and neighborhood poverty characteristics of women with and without reported income data, overall, and by race/ethnicity/nativity. RESULTS: Overall, compared with respondents who reported income, respondents with missing income information generally appeared younger, less educated, and of lower parity. They were more likely to be unmarried, to have received delayed or no prenatal care, and to reside in poor neighborhoods; and they generally appeared more similar to lower- than higher-income women. However, the patterns appeared to vary by racial/ethnic/nativity group. For example, among U.S.-born African American women, the characteristics of the missing-income group were generally similar to those of low-income women, while European American women with missing income information more closely resembled their moderate-income counterparts. CONCLUSIONS: Respondents with missing income information may not be a random subset of population-based survey participants and may differ on other relevant sociodemographic characteristics. Before deciding how to deal analytically with missing income information, researchers should examine relevant characteristics and consider how different approaches could affect study findings. Particularly for ethnically diverse populations, we recommend including a missing income category or employing multiple-imputation techniques rather than excluding those records.

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OBJECTIVE: To examine early postnatal care among healthy newborns during 2000 in 19 states. METHODS: Using data from the Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System, a multistate population-based postpartum survey of women, we calculated prevalences of early discharge (ED; stays of < or =2 days after vaginal delivery and < or =4 days after Cesarean delivery) and early follow-up (within 1 week) after ED. We used logistic regression to estimate adjusted odds ratios (aOR) and 95% confidence intervals (CI) describing how ED and lack of early follow-up were associated with state legislation and maternal characteristics. RESULTS: While most healthy term newborns (83.5-93.4%) were discharged early, and most early-discharged newborns (51.5-88.5%) received recommended early follow-up, substantial proportions of early-discharged newborns did not. Compared with newborns in states where legislation covered both length of hospital stay (LOS) and follow-up, newborns in states without such legislation were more likely to have ED (aOR: 1.25; CI: 1.01-1.56). Lack of early follow-up was more likely among newborns in states with neither LOS nor follow-up legislation (aOR: 2.70, CI: 2.32-3.14), and only LOS legislation (aOR: 1.38, CI: 1.22-1.56) compared with those in states with legislation for both. ED was more likely among newborns born to multiparous women and those delivered by Cesarean section and less likely among those born to black and Hispanic mothers and mothers with less education. CONCLUSIONS: Lack of early follow-up among ED newborns remains a problem, particularly in states without relevant legislation. These findings indicate the need for continued monitoring and for programmatic and policy strategies to improve receipt of recommended care.

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Problems with measuring socioeconomic status (SES)-frequently included in clinical and public health studies as a control variable and less frequently as the variable(s) of main interest-could affect research findings and conclusions, with implications for practice and policy. We critically examine standard SES measurement approaches, illustrating problems with examples from new analyses and the literature. For example, marked racial/ethnic differences in income at a given educational level and in wealth at a given income level raise questions about the socioeconomic comparability of individuals who are similar on education or income alone. Evidence also shows that conclusions about nonsocioeconomic causes of racial/ethnic differences in health may depend on the measure-eg, income, wealth, education, occupation, neighborhood socioeconomic characteristics, or past socioeconomic experiences-used to "control for SES," suggesting that findings from studies that have measured limited aspects of SES should be reassessed. We recommend an outcome- and social group-specific approach to SES measurement that involves (1) considering plausible explanatory pathways and mechanisms, (2) measuring as much relevant socioeconomic information as possible, (3) specifying the particular socioeconomic factors measured (rather than SES overall), and (4) systematically considering how potentially important unmeasured socioeconomic factors may affect conclusions. Better SES measures are needed in data sources, but improvements could be made by using existing information more thoughtfully and acknowledging its limitations.

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OBJECTIVE: We explored methods and potential applications of a systematic approach to studying and monitoring social disparities in health and health care. METHODS: Using delayed or no prenatal care as an example indicator, we (1) categorized women into groups with different levels of underlying social advantage; (2) described and graphically displayed rates of the indicator and relative group size for each social group; (3) identified and measured disparities, calculating relative risks and rate differences to compare each group with its a priori most-advantaged counterpart; (4) examined changes in rates and disparities over time; and (5) conducted multivariate analyses for the overall sample and "at-risk" groups to identify particular factors warranting attention. RESULTS: We identified at-risk groups and relevant factors and suggest ways to direct efforts for reducing prenatal care disparities. CONCLUSIONS: This systematic approach should be useful for studying and monitoring disparities in other indicators of health and health care.

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