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Archaeological cobs from Paredones and Huaca Prieta (Peru) represent some of the oldest maize known to date, yet they present relevant phenotypic traits corresponding to domesticated maize. This contrasts with the earliest Mexican macro-specimens from Guila Naquitz and San Marcos, which are phenotypically intermediate for these traits, even though they date more recently in time. To gain insights into the origins of ancient Peruvian maize, we sequenced DNA from three Paredones specimens dating ~6700-5000 calibrated years before present (BP), conducting comparative analyses with two teosinte subspecies (Zea mays ssp. mexicana and parviglumis) and extant maize, that include highland and lowland landraces from Mesoamerica and South America. We show that Paredones maize originated from the same domestication event as Mexican maize and was domesticated by ~6700 BP, implying rapid dispersal followed by improvement. Paredones maize shows no relevant gene flow from mexicana, smaller than that observed in teosinte parviglumis. Thus, Paredones samples represent the only maize without confounding mexicana variation found to date. It also harbors significantly fewer alleles previously found to be adaptive to highlands, but not of alleles adaptive to lowlands, supporting a lowland migration route. Our overall results imply that Paredones maize originated in Mesoamerica, arrived in Peru without mexicana introgression through a rapid lowland migration route, and underwent improvements in both Mesoamerica and South America.

The plant we know today as maize or corn began its story 9,000 years ago in modern-day Mexico, when farmers of the Balsas River basin started to carefully breed its ancestor, the wild grass teosinte parviglumis. Recent discoveries suggest the crop may have started to travel to South America before its domestication was fully complete, leading to a complex history of semi-tamed lineages evolving in parallel in different regions. For example, 5,300-year-old corn specimens found in Tehuacán, in central Mexico, still genetically and morphologically resemble teosinte. Meanwhile, cobs harvested about 6,700 to 5,000 years ago on the northern coast of Peru ­ 3800km away from where maize was first domesticated ­ look like the ones we know today. Vallebueno-Estrada et al. aimed to explore the evolutionary history of this Peruvian maize, which was discovered at the archaeological coastal site of Paredones. To do so, they extracted and sequenced its genetic information, and compared these sequences with those from modern varieties of lowland and highland maize, as well as from teosinte parviglumis and teosinte mexicana. The analyses showed that the ancestor of the Paredones maize emerged from teosinte parviglumis like any other lineage, but that it was already domesticated when it started to spread South; by the time it was present in Peru 6,700 years ago, it was genetically closer to modern-day crops. This early departure is consistent with the fact that the Paredones specimens lacked teosinte mexicana genetic variants; this highland relative of lowland parviglumis is believed to have interbred with maize lineages from Central America more recently, when these were brought to higher altitudes. The presence of genetic marks tailored to low-elevation regions suggested that the Paredones maize lineage migrated through a coastal corridor connecting Central and South America, arriving in northern Peru about 2,500 years after first arising from teosinte parviglumis in Central America around 9,000 years ago. Under the care of rapidly developing Central Andean societies, the crop then evolved to adapt to its local conditions. Maize today has spread to all continents besides Antarctica; we produce more of it than wheat, rice or any other grain. How our modern varieties will adapt to the environmental constraints brought by climate change remains unclear. By peering into the history of maize, Vallebueno-Estrada et al. hope to find genetic variations which could inform new breeding strategies that improve the future of this crop.

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We assess diet and economies of middle Holocene (∼7,500 to 4,000 calibrated [cal] B.P.) humans at coexisting mound sites (Huaca Prieta and Paredones) in north coastal Peru and document regular consumption of maize by ∼6,500 to 6,000 cal B.P. and its earliest use as a staple food in this area of the Andes between 5,000 and 4,500 cal B.P. Stable isotope data from enamel carbonates and dentin collagen (childhood diet) and dental microwear texture analysis (adult diet) demonstrate dietary and economic specialization. Previous studies revealed maize and mixed-food refuse at both sites, but this study documents actual food consumption, showing that these communities situated a few hundred meters apart had significantly distinct diets in childhood and adulthood. Huaca Prieta focused on marine resources, although there are some contributions from terrestrial meat. Paredones individuals primarily consumed maize during childhood (up to 70% of the juvenile diet), as shown by δ13C values, apatite-collagen spacing, and discriminant analysis of δ13Ccoll, δ13Ccarb, and δ15N values. Maize was likely used as a weaning food (e.g., gruel and/or chicha-a maize beverage), hinting at the significant role of breastfeeding mothers, weanling infants, and children in the development of maize as a staple crop. Additionally, dental microwear data show Paredones adult diets are high in abrasives, potentially from maize processing. The distinct foodways at these neighboring sites result from and also reflect their social and political distinctions. These differences in food production, distribution, and consumption generated opportunities for exchange, an interaction that bound them together in mutual benefit.

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Simple pebble tools, ephemeral cultural features, and the remains of maritime and terrestrial foods are present in undisturbed Late Pleistocene and Early Holocene deposits underneath a large human-made mound at Huaca Prieta and nearby sites on the Pacific coast of northern Peru. Radiocarbon ages indicate an intermittent human presence dated between ~15,000 and 8000 calendar years ago before the mound was built. The absence of fishhooks, harpoons, and bifacial stone tools suggests that technologies of gathering, trapping, clubbing, and exchange were used primarily to procure food resources along the shoreline and in estuarine wetlands and distant mountains. The stone artifacts are minimally worked unifacial stone tools characteristic of several areas of South America. Remains of avocado, bean, and possibly cultivated squash and chile pepper are also present, suggesting human transport and consumption. Our new findings emphasize an early coastal lifeway of diverse food procurement strategies that suggest detailed observation of resource availability in multiple environments and a knowledgeable economic organization, although technologies were simple and campsites were seemingly ephemeral and discontinuous. These findings raise questions about the pace of early human movement along some areas of the Pacific coast and the level of knowledge and technology required to exploit maritime and inland resources.

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Archaeological research has identified the use of cultivated cotton (Gossypium barbadense) in the ancient Andes dating back to at least 7800 years ago. Because of unusual circumstances of preservation, 6000-year-old cotton fabrics from the Preceramic site of Huaca Prieta on the north coast of Peru retained traces of a blue pigment that was analyzed and positively identified as an indigoid dye (indigotin), making it the earliest known use of indigo in the world, derived most likely from Indigofera spp. native to South America. This predates by ~1500 years the earliest reported use of indigo in the Old World, from Fifth Dynasty Egypt [ca. 4400 BP (before present)]. Indigo is one of the most valued and most globally widespread dyes of antiquity and of the present era (it being the blue of blue jeans).

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Questions surrounding the chronology, place, and character of the initial human colonization of the Americas are a long-standing focus of debate. Interdisciplinary debate continues over the timing of entry, the rapidity and direction of dispersion, the variety of human responses to diverse habitats, the criteria for evaluating the validity of early sites, and the differences and similarities between colonization in North and South America. Despite recent advances in our understanding of these issues, archaeology still faces challenges in defining interdisciplinary research problems, assessing the reliability of the data, and applying new interpretative models. As the debates and challenges continue, new studies take place and previous research reexamined. Here we discuss recent exploratory excavation at and interdisciplinary data from the Monte Verde area in Chile to further our understanding of the first peopling of the Americas. New evidence of stone artifacts, faunal remains, and burned areas suggests discrete horizons of ephemeral human activity in a sandur plain setting radiocarbon and luminescence dated between at least ~18,500 and 14,500 cal BP. Based on multiple lines of evidence, including sedimentary proxies and artifact analysis, we present the probable anthropogenic origins and wider implications of this evidence. In a non-glacial cold climate environment of the south-central Andes, which is challenging for human occupation and for the preservation of hunter-gatherer sites, these horizons provide insight into an earlier context of late Pleistocene human behavior in northern Patagonia.

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Maize (Zea mays ssp. mays) is among the world's most important and ancient domesticated crops. Although the chronology of its domestication and initial dispersals out of Mexico into Central and South America has become more clear due to molecular and multiproxy archaeobotanical research, important problems remain. Among them is the paucity of information on maize's early morphological evolution and racial diversification brought about in part by the poor preservation of macrofossils dating to the pre-5000 calibrated years before the present period from obligate dispersal routes located in the tropical forest. We report newly discovered macrobotanical and microbotanical remains of maize that shed significant light on the chronology, land race evolution, and cultural contexts associated with the crop's early movements into South America and adaptation to new environments. The evidence comes from the coastal Peruvian sites of Paredones and Huaca Prieta, Peru; dates from the middle and late preceramic and early ceramic periods (between ca. 6700 and 3000 calibrated years before the present); and constitutes some of the earliest known cobs, husks, stalks, and tassels. The macrobotanical record indicates that a diversity of racial complexes characteristic of the Andean region emerged during the preceramic era. In addition, accelerator mass spectrometry radiocarbon determinations carried out directly on different structures of preserved maize plants strongly suggest that assays on burned cobs are more reliable than those on unburned cobs. Our findings contribute to knowledge of the early diffusion of maize and agriculture and have broader implications for understanding the development of early preindustrial human societies.

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In this article, we briefly review scenarios for the first peopling of the New World, including the Clovis First/Single Origin, Tripartite, and Dual Migration models. We then discuss bioanthropological, molecular genetic, archaeological and biogeographic evidence for the peopling of the continent. To conclude, we draw on different lines of evidence to make inferences concerning the timing, direction, and type of early human dispersion in South America.

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Previous research indicates that the Nanchoc Valley in northern Peru was an important locus of early and middle Holocene human settlement, and that between 9200 and 5500 (14)C yr B.P. the valley inhabitants adopted major crop plants such as squash (Cucurbita moschata), peanuts (Arachis sp.), and cotton (Gossypium barbadense). We report here an examination of starch grains preserved in the calculus of human teeth from these sites that provides direct evidence for the early consumption of cultivated squash and peanuts along with two other major food plants not previously detected. Starch from the seeds of Phaseolus and Inga feuillei, the flesh of Cucurbita moschata fruits, and the nuts of Arachis was routinely present on numerous teeth that date to between 8210 and 6970 (14)C yr B.P. Early plant diets appear to have been diverse and stable through time and were rich in cultivated foods typical of later Andean agriculture. Our data provide early archaeological evidence for Phaseolus beans and I. feuillei, an important tree crop, and indicate that effective food production systems that contributed significant dietary inputs were present in the Nanchoc region by 8000 (14)C yr B.P. Starch grain studies of dental remains document plants and edible parts of them not normally preserved in archaeological records and can assume primary roles as direct indicators of ancient human diets and agriculture.

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The identification of human artifacts at the early archaeological site of Monte Verde in southern Chile has raised questions of when and how people reached the tip of South America without leaving much other evidence in the New World. Remains of nine species of marine algae were recovered from hearths and other features at Monte Verde II, an upper occupational layer, and were directly dated between 14,220 and 13,980 calendar years before the present ( approximately 12,310 and 12,290 carbon-14 years ago). These findings support the archaeological interpretation of the site and indicate that the site's inhabitants used seaweed from distant beaches and estuarine environments for food and medicine. These data are consistent with the ideas that an early settlement of South America was along the Pacific coast and that seaweeds were important to the diet and health of early humans in the Americas.

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The early development of agriculture in the New World has been assumed to involve early farming in settlements in the Andes, but the record has been sparse. Peanut (Arachis sp.), squash (Cucurbita moschata), and cotton (Gossypium barbadense) macrofossils were excavated from archaeological sites on the western slopes of the northern Peruvian Andes. Direct radiocarbon dating indicated that these plants grew between 9240 and 5500 (14)C years before the present. These and other plants were recovered from multiple locations in a tropical dry forest valley, including household clusters, permanent architectural structures, garden plots, irrigation canals, hoes, and storage structures. These data provide evidence for early use of peanut and squash in the human diet and of cotton for industrial purposes and indicate that horticultural economies in parts of the Andes took root by about 10,000 years ago.

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Human interaction with the physical environment has increasingly transformed Earth-system processes. Reciprocally, climate anomalies and other processes of environmental change of natural and anthropogenic origin have been affecting, and often disrupting, societies throughout history. Transient impact events, despite their brevity, can have significant long-term impact on society, particularly if they occur in the context of ongoing, protracted environmental change. Major climate events can affect human activities in critical conjunctures that shape particular trajectories of social development. Here we report variable human responses to major environmental events in the Andes with a particular emphasis on the period from anno Domini 500-1500 on the desert north coast of Perú. We show that preindustrial agrarian societies implemented distinct forms of anticipatory response to environmental change and uncertainty. We conclude that innovations in production strategies and agricultural infrastructures in these indigenous societies reflect differential social response to both transient (El Niño-Southern Oscillation events) and protracted (desertification) environmental change.

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