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The idea that human memory can be improved appears to be as ancient as the concept of memory itself. For centuries, authors have promised that using artificial mnemonical systems can improve remembering. However, in the late nineteenth century many authors of memory improvement texts emphasized the importance of enhancing natural memory as opposed to developing artificial memory systems. In doing so, they portrayed natural memory as something analogous to other body functions and parts, such as muscles, and promoted a metaphorical view of memory that did not rely wholly on the more familiar root metaphors of storage and inscription. At the same time, they stressed that natural memory could be reconciled with moral purposes, especially through notions of exercise, training, and discipline. This article explores these ideas and how they chimed with Victorian concerns about free will, the education of the young, moral imperatives around self-improvement, and the increasing interest in science and especially a science of the mind.

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Reputation is a familiar concept in everyday life and in a range of academic disciplines. There have been studies of its formation, its content, its management, its diffusion, and much else besides. This article explores the reputation of the Cambridge psychologist Kenneth Craik (1914-1945). Having examined something of Craik's life and work and the content of his reputation, the article concentrates on the functions that Craik's reputation has served, particularly for psychology and related disciplines. The major functions of that reputation are identified as being a legitimation and confirmation of disciplinary boundaries and discontinuities in the period shortly after World War II, an exemplification of how to be a modern scientist and of the values to embrace, a reinforcement of science as having a national dimension, an affirmation of psychology as a science that can serve national needs, and a creation of shared identities through commemoration. The article concludes that studies of reputations can illuminate the contexts in which they emerge and the values they endorse. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2013 APA, all rights reserved).

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In this article, the author argues that a number of conditions conspired to place the Cambridge psychologist Oliver Zangwill in a pivotal position for pursuing and promoting neuropsychology in Britain after World War II. In broad terms, these were the background and experience of Zangwill himself, the practical engagement of psychologists with patients with brain damage, neurologists, and psychiatrists, the introduction of medical reform including the establishment of a National Health Service, rekindled interest in cortical localization, and the elite social networks that existed in medicine and university life in postwar Britain. The author claims that the career of Zangwill reveals rather than obscures the importance of these wider conditions and demonstrates an unusually close connection between an individual and the emergence of a subdiscipline.

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Congenitally blind individuals are generally less accurate at mentally manipulating objects than sighted people. However, they often score higher on tests of short- and long-term verbal memory, and it has been suggested that an enhanced propositional representation compensates for inefficiencies in analogue visuospatial representation. Here, congenitally blind, blindfolded, and sighted participants recalled descriptions of relative object locations. In contrast to previous findings, the congenitally blind participants were as accurate as the blindfolded and sighted individuals at remembering the relative locations of objects, but their memory for the verbatim structure of presented descriptions was worse. We propose that, like sighted people, the congenitally blind spontaneously construct and remember analogue representations of object locations and that the performance discrepancies of the blind arise from the process of managing and manipulating these analogue representations.

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An investigation of tactile picture perception is reported. Blindfolded sighted subjects explored either 'line drawings' or 'textured' tactile pictures produced on Zytex swell paper. All pictures were 'two-dimensional', that is they depicted only one object face and so did not represent a third dimension. Both picture sets represented the same objects. Results revealed that the textured pictures, in which solid surfaces of depicted objects were uniformly textured, were recognised more often than tactile line drawings, in which surfaces of objects were simply bounded by lines. There were no significant correlations between imagery ability (visual, cutaneous, or kinaesthetic) and picture recognition success. Texture may be a form of 'uniform connectedness' (Palmer and Rock 1994 Psychonomic Bulletin & Review 1 29-55) or 'common region' (Palmer 1992 Cognitive Psychology 24 436-447), highlighting the global characteristics of stimuli. We argue that textured pictures may encourage the haptic system to take a more globally oriented approach to tactile picture perception, benefiting recognition.

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