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Objectives. To determine whether unemployment and bankruptcy rates are related to increased excess deaths during the COVID-19 recession and to examine whether the current recession-based mortality rate not only is dependent on COVID-19 but also continues the pattern of recessions, especially the Great Recession, in relation to chronic disease mortality rates and mental health disturbances (e.g., including suicide) from 2000 to 2018. Methods. This study used pooled cross-sectional time series analysis to determine the impact of unemployment and bankruptcy rates on excess deaths from February to November 2020 for US states. The study used a second pooled cross-sectional time series analysis to determine whether the COVID-19‒ era recessional mortality continues the impact of prepandemic recessions (2000-2018) on multiple causes of mortality. Results. Ten percent unemployment was associated with approximately 48[thin space]149 excess deaths, while, jointly with bankruptcies, their combined effect produced 35 700 and 144 483 excess deaths, for unemployment and bankruptcies, respectively. These health-damaging COVID-19‒recessional findings suggest a reiteration of the significantly increased major cause‒specific mortality during 2000 to 2018, mitigated by the size of the health care workforce. Conclusions. Minimization of deaths attributable to the COVID-19 recession requires ample funding for the unemployed and underemployed, especially Black and Hispanic communities, along with significant investments in the health workforce. (Am J Public Health. 2021;111(11):1950-1959. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2021.306490).

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The SARS-CoV-2 (COVID-19) pandemic has contributed to increasing levels of anxiety, depression and other symptoms of stress around the globe. Reasons for this increase are understandable in the context of individual level factors such as self-isolation, lockdown, grief, survivor guilt, and other factors but also broader social and economic factors such as unemployment, insecure employment and resulting poverty, especially as the impacts of 2008 recession are still being felt in many countries further accompanied by social isolation. For those who are actively employed a fear of job and income loss and those who have actually become ill and recovered or those who have lost family and friends to illness, it is not surprising that they are stressed and feeling the psychological impact. Furthermore, multiple uncertainties contribute to this sense of anxiety. These fears and losses are major immediate stresses and undoubtedly can have long-term implications on mental health. Economic uncertainty combined with a sense of feeling trapped and resulting lack of control can contribute to helplessness and hopelessness where people may see suicide as a way out. Taking a macro view, we present a statistical model of the impact of unemployment, and national income declines, on suicide, separately for males and females over the life cycle in developed countries. This impact may reflect a potent combination of social changes and economic factors resulting in anomie. The governments and policymakers have a moral and ethical obligation to ensure the physical health and well-being of their populations. While setting in place preventive measures to avoid infections and then subsequent mortality, the focus on economic and social recovery is crucial. A global pandemic requires a global response with a clear inter-linked strategy for health as well as economic solutions. The models we have constructed represent predictions of suicide rates among the 38 highly industrialized OECD countries over a period of 18 years (2000-2017). Unemployment has a major effect on increasing suicide, especially in middle-aged groups. However, the impact of economic decline through losses of national income (GDP per capita) are substantially greater than those of unemployment and influence suicide throughout the life course, especially at the oldest ages.

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BACKGROUND: The manner in which organizational downsizing is implemented can make a substantial difference as to whether the exposed workers will suffer from psychological ill health. Surprisingly, little research has directly investigated this issue. We examined the likelihood of psychological ill health associated with strategic and reactive downsizing. METHODS: A cross-sectional survey included 1456 respondents from France, Sweden, Hungary and the United Kingdom: 681 employees in stable workplaces (reference group) and 775 workers from downsized companies. Reactive downsizing was exemplified by the exposures to compulsory redundancies of medium to large scale resulting in job loss or surviving a layoff while staying employed in downsized organizations. The workforce exposed to strategic downsizing was represented by surplus employees who were internally redeployed and supported through their career change process within a policy context of "no compulsory redundancy". Symptoms of anxiety, depression and emotional exhaustion were assessed in telephone interviews with brief subscales from Hospital Anxiety Scale (HADS-A), Hopkins Symptom Checklist (SCL-CD6) and Maslach Burnout Inventory (MBI-GS). Data were analyzed using logistic regression. RESULTS: We observed no increased risk of psychological ill health in the case of strategic downsizing. The number of significant associations with psychological ill health was the largest for the large-scale reactive downsizing: surviving a layoff was consistently associated with all three outcome measures; returning to work after the job loss experience was related to anxiety and depression, while persons still unemployed at interview had elevated odds of anxiety. After reactive medium-scale downsizing, unemployment at interview was the only exposure associated with anxiety and depression. CONCLUSIONS: The manner in which organizational downsizing is implemented can be important for the psychological wellbeing of workers. If downsizing is unavoidable, it should be achieved strategically. Greater attention is needed to employment and health policies supporting the workers after reactive downsizing.

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Can we estimate the consequences of world military expenditures for the physical and mental health of nations that produce and purchase armaments? If anxiety and fear are promoting military expenditures, then those sentiments may well reflect poorer mental health and war-related stress as it influences cardiovascular illness rates. Further, extensive military expenditure by a society implies that other societal needs are allocated fewer resources, including nutrition, water and sanitation, health care, and economic development. We use a model focused on military expenditures to predict cardiovascular mortality in world samples of industrialized and developing countries over 2000-2011. The cardiovascular mortality model controls for economic development, smoking, body mass index, systolic blood pressure, and carbon dioxide emissions. Military expenditures as proportion of gross domestic product show significant positive relations to cardiovascular disease mortality in linear multiple regression analyses, using both cross-sectional and pooled cross-sectional time-series approaches.

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BACKGROUND: Few studies have examined depression as both a cause and effect of unemployment, but no prior work investigated these relationships in the context of organisational downsizing. We explored whether the exposure to downsizing is associated with subsequent depression (social causation), and whether pre-existing depression increases the risk of being laid off when organisations downsize (health selection). METHODS: Two successive waves of the nationally representative Swedish Longitudinal Occupational Survey of Health represented the baseline (2008) and follow-up (2010) of this study. Analyses included 196 workers who lost their jobs through downsizing, 1462 layoff survivors remaining in downsized organisations and 1845 employees of non-downsized workplaces. The main outcomes were: (1) Depressive symptoms at follow-up, assessed with a brief subscale from the Symptom Checklist 90, categorised by severity levels ("major depression", "less severe symptoms" and "no depression") and analysed in relation to earlier downsizing exposure; (2) Job loss in persons with downsizing in relation to earlier depressive symptoms. The associations were assessed by means of multinomial logistic regression. RESULTS: Job loss consistently predicted subsequent major depression among men and women, with a somewhat greater effect size in men. Surviving a layoff was significantly associated with subsequent major depression in women but not in men. Women with major depression have increased risks of exclusion from employment when organisations downsize, whereas job loss in men was not significantly influenced by their health. CONCLUSIONS: The evidence from this study suggests that the relative importance of social causation and health selection varies by gender in the context of organisational downsizing. Strategies for handling depression among employees should be sensitive to gender-specific risks during layoffs. Policies preventing social exclusion can be important for female workers at higher risk of depression.

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BACKGROUND: Organizational downsizing has become highly common during the global recession of the late 2000s with severe repercussions on employment. We examine whether the severity of the downsizing process is associated with a greater likelihood of depressive symptoms among displaced workers, internally redeployed workers and lay-off survivors. METHODS: A cross-sectional survey involving telephone interviews was carried out in France, Hungary, Sweden and the United Kingdom. The study analyzes data from 758 workers affected by medium- and large-scale downsizing, using multiple logistic regression. MAIN RESULTS: Both unemployment and surviving layoffs were significantly associated with depressive symptoms, as compared to reemployment, but the perceived procedural justice of a socially responsible downsizing process considerably mitigated the odds of symptoms. Perception of high versus low justice was assessed along several downsizing dimensions. In the overall sample, chances to have depressive symptoms were significantly reduced if respondents perceived the process as transparent and understandable, fair and unbiased, well planned and democratic; if they trusted the employer's veracity and agreed with the necessity for downsizing. The burden of symptoms was significantly greater if the process was perceived to be chaotic. We further tested whether perceived justice differently affects the likelihood of depressive symptoms among distinct groups of workers. Findings were that the odds of symptoms largely followed the same patterns of effects across all groups of workers. Redeploying and supporting surplus employees through the career change process-rather than forcing them to become unemployed-makes a substantial difference as to whether they will suffer from depressive symptoms. CONCLUSIONS: While depressive symptoms affect both unemployed and survivors, a just and socially responsible downsizing process is important for the emotional health of workers.

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BACKGROUND: The hypothesis that economic growth has been the principal source of mortality decline during the 20th century in the United States is investigated. This hypothesis is consistent with the large epidemiological literature showing socioeconomic status to be inversely related to health status and unemployment associated with elevated morbidity and mortality rates. Despite evidence over many years showing economic growth, over at least a decade, to be fundamental to mortality rate declines and unemployment rates showing lagged, cumulative effects on mortality rate increases, a recent paper argues that the impact of economic growth is to increase the mortality rate. METHODS: This study utilizes age-adjusted mortality rates over 1901-2000 in the United States as the outcome measure, while independent variables include real GDP per capita in purchasing power parity, the unemployment rate, and the employment to population ratio. A basic interaction model is constructed whereby (i) real GDP per capita, (ii) the unemployment rate, and (iii) the multiplicative interaction between real GDP per capita and the unemployment rate are analysed in relation to age-adjusted mortality rates. The Shiller procedure is used to estimate the distributed lag relations over at least a decade for variables (i), (ii), and (iii). The error correction method is used to examine these relations for both levels and annual changes in independent and dependent variables. RESULTS: While GDP per capita, over the medium- to long-term, is strongly inversely related to mortality rates during 1901-2000, in the very short term-i.e. within the first few months-rapid economic growth is occasionally associated with increased mortality rates estimated in annual changes. With respect to the unemployment rate, the first year (without lag) will frequently be associated with a decrease in mortality, but thereafter, and at least for the following decade, the effect is to increase the mortality rate. Thus, the net effect of increased unemployment is a substantial increase in mortality. This is also reflected in the entirely negative relation between the cumulative effects of the employment to population ratio and mortality rates over a decade. CONCLUSIONS: Economic growth, cumulatively over at least a decade, has been the central factor in mortality rate decline in the US over the 20th century. The volatility of rapid economic growth as it departs from its major trend, has a very short-term effect (within a year) to increase mortality-partly owing to adaptation to new technology and the adjustment of the formerly unemployed to new jobs, social status, and organizational structures.

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