RESUMEN

BACKGROUND: Illicitly manufactured fentanyl (IMF) increases overdose mortality, but its role in infectious disease transmission is unknown. We examined whether IMF use predicts hepatitis C virus (HCV) and human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) incidence among a cohort of people who inject drugs (PWID) in San Diego, California and Tijuana, Mexico. METHODS: PWID were recruited during 2020-2022, undergoing semi-annual interviewer-administered surveys and HIV and HCV serological rapid tests through 2024. Cox regression was conducted to examine predictors of seroconversion considering self-reported IMF use as a 6-month lagged, time-dependent covariate. RESULTS: Of 398 PWID at baseline, 67% resided in San Diego, 70% were male, median age was 43 years, 42% reported receptive needle sharing, and 25% reported using IMF. HCV incidence was 14.26 per 100 person-years (95% confidence interval [CI]: 11.49-17.02), and HIV incidence was 1.29 (95% CI: .49-2.10). IMF was associated with HCV seroconversion, with a univariable hazard ratio (HR) of 1.64 (95% CI: 1.09-2.40), and multivariable HR of 1.57 (95% CI: 1.03-2.40). The direction of the relationship with HIV was similar, albeit not significant (HR 2.39; 95% CI: .66-8.64). CONCLUSIONS: We document a novel association between IMF and HCV seroconversion among PWID in Tijuana-San Diego. Few HIV seroconversions (n = 10) precluded our ability to assess if a similar relationship held for HIV. IMF's short half-life may destabilize PWID-increasing the need for repeat dosing and sharing smoking materials and syringes. New preventive care approaches may reduce HCV transmission in the fentanyl era.

Asunto(s)

RESUMEN

BACKGROUND: Fentanyl- and methamphetamine-based counterfeit prescription drugs have driven escalating overdose death rates in the US, however their presence in Mexico has not been assessed. Our ethnographic team has conducted longitudinal research focused on illicit drug markets in Northern Mexico since 2018. In 2021-2022, study participants described the arrival of new, unusually potent tablets sold as ostensibly controlled substances, without a prescription, directly from pharmacies that cater to US tourists. AIMS: To characterize the availability of counterfeit and authentic controlled substances at pharmacies in Northern Mexico available to English-speaking tourists without a prescription. METHODS: We employed an iterative, exploratory, mixed methods design. Longitudinal ethnographic data was used to characterize tourist-oriented micro-neighborhoods and guide the selection of n=40 pharmacies in n=4 cities in Northern Mexico. In each pharmacy, samples of "oxycodone", "Xanax", and "Adderall" were sought as single pills, during English-language encounters, after which detailed ethnographic accounts were recorded. We employed immunoassay-based testing strips to check each pill for the presence of fentanyls, benzodiazepines, amphetamines, and methamphetamines. We used Fourier-Transform Infrared Spectroscopy to further characterize drug contents. RESULTS: Of n=40 pharmacies, one or more of the requested controlled substances could be obtained with no prescription (as single pills or in bottles) at 28 (70.0%) and as single pills at 19 (47.5%). Counterfeit pills were obtained at 11 pharmacies (27.5%). Of n=45 samples sold as one-off controlled substances, 18 were counterfeit. 7 of 11 (63.6%) samples sold as "Adderall" contained methamphetamine, 8 of 27 (29.6%) samples sold as "Oxycodone" contained fentanyl, and 3 "Oxycodone" samples contained heroin. Pharmacies providing counterfeit drugs were uniformly located in tourist-serving micro-neighborhoods, and generally featured English-language advertisements for erectile dysfunction medications and "painkillers". Pharmacy employees occasionally expressed concern about overdose risk and provided harm reduction guidance. DISCUSSION: The availability of fentanyl-, heroin-, and methamphetamine-based counterfeit medications in tourist-oriented independent pharmacies in Northern Mexico represents a public health risk, and occurs in the context of 1) the normalization of medical tourism as a response to rising unaffordability of healthcare in the US, 2) plummeting rates of opioid prescription in the US, affecting both chronic pain patients and the availability of legitimate pharmaceuticals on the unregulated market, 3) the rise of fentanyl-based counterfeit opioids as a key driver of the fourth, and deadliest-to-date, wave of the opioid crisis. It was not possible to distinguish counterfeit medications based on appearance of pills or geography of pharmacies, because identically-appearing authentic and counterfeit versions were often sold in close geographic proximity. Nevertheless, people who consume drugs may be more trusting of controlled substances purchased directly from pharmacies. Due to Mexico's limited opioid overdose surveillance infrastructure, the current death rate from these substances remains unknown.

Asunto(s)

RESUMEN

Background: Fentanyl- and methamphetamine-based counterfeit prescription drugs have driven escalating overdose death rates in the US, however their presence in Mexico has not been assessed. Our ethnographic team has conducted longitudinal research focused on illicit drug markets in Northern Mexico since 2018. In 2021-2022, study participants described the arrival of new, unusually potent tablets sold as ostensibly controlled substances, without a prescription, directly from pharmacies that cater to US tourists. Aims: To characterize the availability of counterfeit and authentic controlled substances at pharmacies in Northern Mexico available to English-speaking tourists without a prescription. Methods: We employed an iterative, exploratory, mixed methods design. Longitudinal ethnographic data was used to characterize tourist-oriented micro-neighborhoods and guide the selection of n=40 pharmacies in n=4 cities in Northern Mexico. In each pharmacy, samples of "oxycodone", "Xanax", and "Adderall" were sought as single pills, during English-language encounters, after which detailed ethnographic accounts were recorded. We employed immunoassay-based testing strips to check each pill for the presence of fentanyls, benzodiazepines, amphetamines, and methamphetamines. We used Fourier-Transform Infrared Spectroscopy to further characterize drug contents. Results: Of n=40 pharmacies, one or more of the requested controlled substance could be obtained with no prescription (as single pills or in bottles) at 28 (70.0%) and as single pills at 19 (47.5%). Counterfeit pills were obtained at 11 pharmacies (27.5%). Of n=45 samples sold as one-off controlled substances, 18 were counterfeit. 7 of 11 (63.6%) samples sold as "Adderall" contained methamphetamine, 8 of 27 (29.6%) samples sold as "Oxycodone" contained fentanyl, and 3 "Oxycodone" samples contained heroin. Pharmacies providing counterfeit drugs were uniformly located in tourist-serving micro-neighborhoods, and generally featured English-language advertisements for erectile dysfunction medications and "painkillers". Pharmacy employees occasionally expressed concern about overdose risk and provided harm reduction guidance. Discussion: The availability of fentanyl-, heroin-, and methamphetamine-based counterfeit medications in tourist-oriented independent pharmacies in Northern Mexico represents a public health risk, and occurs in the context of 1) the normalization of medical tourism as a response to rising unaffordability of healthcare in the US, 2) plummeting rates of opioid prescription in the US, affecting both chronic pain patients and the availability of legitimate pharmaceuticals on the unregulated market, 3) the rise of fentanyl-based counterfeit opioids as a key driver of the fourth, and deadliest-to-date, wave of the opioid crisis. It was not possible to distinguish counterfeit medications based on appearance of pills or geography of pharmacies, because identically-appearing authentic and counterfeit versions were often sold in close geographic proximity. Nevertheless, drug consumers may be more trusting of controlled substances purchased directly from pharmacies. Due to Mexico's limited opioid overdose surveillance infrastructure, the current death rate from these substances remains unknown.

RESUMEN

INTRODUCTION: The US deports more Mexicans to Tijuana than any other borderland city. Returning involuntarily as members of a stigmatized underclass, many find themselves homeless and de-facto stateless. Subject to routinized police victimization, many take refuge in the Tijuana River Canal (El Bordo). Previous reports suggest Tijuana River water may be contaminated but prior studies have not accessed the health effects or contamination of the water closest to the river residents. METHODS: A binational, transdisciplinary team undertook a socio-environmental, mixed methods assessment to simultaneously characterize Tijuana River water quality with chemical testing, assess the frequency of El Bordo residents' water-related diseases, and trace water contacts with epidemiological survey methods (n = 85 adults, 18+) in 2019, and ethnographic methods in 2019-2021. Our analysis brings the structural violence framework into conversation with an environmental injustice perspective to documented how social forces drive poor health outcomes enacted through the environment. RESULTS: The Tijuana River water most proximate to its human inhabitants fails numerous water-quality standards, posing acute health risks. Escherichia coli values were ∼40,000 times the Mexican regulatory standard for directly contacted water. Skin infections (47%), dehydration (40%) and diarrhea (28%) were commonly reported among El Bordo residents. Residents are aware the water is contaminated and strive to minimize harm to their health by differentially using local water sources. Their numerous survival constraints, however, are exacerbated by routine police violence which propels residents and other people who inject drugs into involuntary contact with contaminated water. DISCUSSION: Human rights to drinking water, sanitation and hygiene are routinely violated among El Bordo inhabitants. This is exacerbated by violent policing practices that force unhoused deportees to seek refuge in waterways, and drive water contacts. Furthermore, US-Mexico 'free-trade' agreements drive rapid growth in Tijuana, restrict Mexican environmental regulation enforcement, and drive underinvestment in sewage systems and infrastructure.

Asunto(s)

RESUMEN

BACKGROUND: Illicitly-manufactured fentanyls (fentanyl) have changed the risk environment of people who use drugs (PWUD). In California and many western US states, the opioid overdose rate spiked from 2016 to 2021, driven largely by fentanyl. Mexican border cities act as transit through-points for the illicit drug supply and similar evolving health risks are likely to be present. Nevertheless, due to data gaps in surveillance infrastructure, little is known about fentanyl prevalence in Mexico. METHODS: We employ intensive ethnographic participant-observation among PWUD, as well as key informants including harm reduction professionals, EMTs, and physicians on the front lines in Tijuana, Mexico. We triangulate interview data and direct observations of consumption practices with n=652 immunoassay-based fentanyl tests of drug paraphernalia from mobile harm reduction clinics in various points throughout the city. RESULTS: PWUD informants described a sharp increase in the psychoactive potency and availability of powder heroin-referred to as "china white"-and concomitant increases in frequency of overdose, soft tissue infection, and polysubstance methamphetamine use. Fentanyl positivity was found among 52.8% (95%CI: 48.9-56.6%) of syringes collected at harm reduction spaces, and varied strongly across sites, from 2.7% (0.0-5.7%) to 76.5% (68.2-84.7%), implying strong market heterogeneity. Controlling for location of collection, syringe-based fentanyl positivity increased by 21.7% (10.1-42.3%) during eight months of testing. Key informants confirm numerous increased public health risks from fentanyl and describe the absence of a systematic or evidence-based governmental response; naloxone remains difficult to access and recent austerity measures have cut funding for harm reduction in Mexico. CONCLUSIONS: Fentanyl, linked to powder heroin, is changing the risk environment of PWUD on the US-Mexico border. Improved surveillance is needed to track the evolving street drug supply in Mexico and related health impacts for vulnerable populations. Structural factors limiting access to naloxone, harm reduction, substance use treatment, and healthcare, and minimal overdose surveillance, must be improved to provide an effective systemic response.

Asunto(s)

RESUMEN

Objectives. To characterize the effects of the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic on the risk environment of people who use drugs (PWUD) in Tijuana, Mexico. Methods. We used intensive participant-observation ethnography among street-based PWUD and key informants, such as frontline physicians and harm reductionists. Results. PWUD described an unprecedented cessation of police violence and extortion during the initial pandemic-related lockdown, though this quickly reversed and police violence worsened. Government-provided housing and medical treatment with methadone were temporarily provided to PWUD in a dedicated clinic, yet only for PWUD with COVID-19 symptoms. Concurrently, non‒COVID-19‒related hospital care became virtually inaccessible, and many PWUD died of untreated, chronic illnesses, such as hepatitis C, and soft-tissue infections. Border closures, decreases in social interaction, and reduced drug and sex tourism resulted in worsening food, income, and housing insecurity for many PWUD. By contrast, potent illicit drugs remained easily accessible in open-air drug markets. Conclusions. The pandemic exacerbated health risks for PWUD but also offered profound glimpses of beneficial structural changes. Efforts are needed in Tijuana and elsewhere to institutionalize positive pandemic-related shifts and ameliorate novel harms for PWUD. (Am J Public Health. 2022;112(S2):S199-S202. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2022.306796).

Asunto(s)

RESUMEN

BACKGROUND: The United States is experiencing a continuing crisis of gun violence, and economically marginalized and racially segregated inner-city areas are among the most affected. To decrease this violence, public health interventions must engage with the complex social factors and structural drivers-especially with regard to the clandestine sale of narcotics-that have turned the neighborhood streets of specific vulnerable subgroups into concrete killing fields. Here we present a mixed-methods ethnographic and epidemiological assessment of narcotics-driven firearm violence in Philadelphia's impoverished, majority Puerto Rican neighborhoods. METHODS: Using an exploratory sequential study design, we formulated hypotheses about ethnic/racial vulnerability to violence, based on half a dozen years of intensive participant-observation ethnographic fieldwork. We subsequently tested them statistically, by combining geo-referenced incidents of narcotics- and firearm-related crime from the Philadelphia police department with census information representing race and poverty levels. We explored the racialized relationships between poverty, narcotics, and violence, melding ethnography, graphing, and Poisson regression. FINDINGS: Even controlling for poverty levels, impoverished majority-Puerto Rican areas in Philadelphia are exposed to significantly higher levels of gun violence than majority-white or black neighborhoods. Our mixed methods data suggest that this reflects the unique social position of these neighborhoods as a racial meeting ground in deeply segregated Philadelphia, which has converted them into a retail endpoint for the sale of astronomical levels of narcotics. IMPLICATIONS: We document racial/ethnic and economic disparities in exposure to firearm violence and contextualize them ethnographically in the lived experience of community members. The exceptionally concentrated and high-volume retail narcotics trade, and the violence it generates in Philadelphia's poor Puerto Rican neighborhoods, reflect unique structural vulnerability and cultural factors. For most young people in these areas, the narcotics economy is the most readily accessible form of employment and social mobility. The performance of violence is an implicit part of survival in these lucrative, illegal narcotics markets, as well as in the overcrowded jails and prisons through which entry-level sellers cycle chronically. To address the structural drivers of violence, an inner-city Marshall Plan is needed that should include well-funded formal employment programs, gun control, re-training police officers to curb the routinization of brutality, reform of criminal justice to prioritize rehabilitation over punishment, and decriminalization of narcotics possession and low-level sales.

Asunto(s)

RESUMEN

This article explores family separation and reunification of the disappeared Salvadoran children separated from their families during El Salvador's civil war (1980-1992) from the perspectives of adult relatives. During separation, adult relatives experienced an "unresolvable loss." Following reunion, families experienced an immediate relief that was often accompanied by an "ambiguous reunification." Emotions were especially complicated and painful when the separation had been a "forced choice" by the parent under coercive wartime political conditions. Adoptive parents strongly influenced reunification. Findings suggest that disappeared children and biological and adoptive family members need psycho-social support throughout separation and reunification.

RESUMEN

BACKGROUND: We hypothesize that the location of highly segregated Hispanic and in particular Puerto Rican neighborhoods can explain how Colombian-sourced heroin, which is associated with a large-scale decade long decline in heroin price and increase in purity, was able to enter and proliferate in the US. METHODS: Our multidisciplinary analysis quantitatively operationalizes participant-observation ethnographic hypotheses informed by social science theory addressing complex political economic, historical, cultural and social processes. First, we ethnographically document the intersection of structural forces shaping Philadelphia's hypersegregated Puerto Rican community as a regional epicenter of the US heroin market. Second, we estimate the relationship between segregation and: (a) the entry of Colombian heroin into the US, and (b) the retail price per pure gram of heroin in 21 Metropolitan Statistical Areas. RESULTS: Ethnographic evidence documents how poverty, historically-patterned antagonistic race relations, an interstitial socio-cultural political and geographic linkage to both Caribbean drug trafficking routes and the United States and kinship solidarities combine to position poor Puerto Rican neighborhoods as commercial distribution centers for high quality, low cost Colombian heroin. Quantitative analysis shows that heroin markets in cities with highly segregated Puerto Rican communities were more quickly saturated with Colombian-sourced heroin. The level of Hispanic segregation (specifically in cities with a high level of Puerto Rican segregation) had a significant negative association with heroin price from 1990 to 2000. By contrast, there is no correlation between African-American segregation and Colombian-sourced heroin prevalence or price. CONCLUSION: Our iterative mixed methods dialogue allows for the development and testing of complex social science hypotheses and reduces the limitations specific to each method used in isolation. We build on prior research that assumes geographic proximity to source countries is the most important factor in determining illicit drug prices and purity, while we find more complex, potentially modifiable determinants of geographic variation in retail drug markets. We show that specific patterns of ethnic segregation, racism, poverty and the political economy of socio-cultural survival strategies combined to facilitate the entry of pure, inexpensive Colombian-sourced heroin.

Asunto(s)

RESUMEN

For five years, the open air drug sales block where the authors resided and conducted participant-observation fieldwork in the Puerto Rican corner of inner-city Philadelphia was subject to a routinized whirlwind of shootings, stabbings and assaults. The narcotics industry filled the void left by deindustrialization, turning the city's former factory district into an open-air narcotics supermarket staffed at the entry level by young Puerto Ricans serving primarily poor white injectors. A capacity to mobilize rage ensures success in the drug economy, protection in prison, and minimal income for the no-longer-worthy poor who are diagnosed as cognitively disabled. Many residents seek alliances in social networks that oblige them to participate in solidary exchanges of assistive violence. A dynamic of embodied, primitive accumulation kills, maims, disables or incarcerates most of this industry's entry-level employees and customers. Artificially high profit margins depend on violence and coercion. A rage-filled habitus propels street-level sellers into violently defending the micro-monopoly power of their bosses in the underground economy as if it were fun. They rush to enforce commercial transactions in the absence of protective legal sanctions in an environment of scarcity that is flooded by streams of cash, addictive drugs and automatic weapons. With the end of welfare entitlements, the left hand of the state, in the form of social services, attempts to continue subsidies for vulnerable individuals by diagnosing scarred bodies and brains as proof of permanent cognitive disability in need of heavy pharmaceutical medication. Periodic outbursts of interpersonal or of self-inflicted rage-filled violence emerge as the best way to ensure the continuity of that fragile public subsidy. Simultaneously, within the bowels of the right hand of the state, in overcrowded, hostilely-supervised violent prisons, rage becomes a valuable physical self-protection strategy for inmates. In short, expressive violence becomes a practical basis for economic sustenance and masculine and feminine self respect.

RESUMEN

Salud Colectiva convocó a un diálogo entre Philippe Bourgois y Cristian Alarcón. El antropólogo y el cronista ofrecen aquí una excursión al backstage de dos libros innovadores, polémicos y desafiantes. En busca de respeto, de Bourgois, recientemente publicado en español, construye un relato sobre la trama cotidiana de los vendedores de crack en Harlem, Nueva York. Si me querés, quereme transa, de Alarcón, ingresa en el universo de los traficantes de cocaína y "pasta base" en Buenos Aires. En ambos, vemos la forma en que tanto la investigación periodística como la etnográfica devienen un proceso de aprendizaje, totalmente despojado de la soberbia del descubridor en territorios extraños. Alarcón y Bourgois tuvieron que transformarse ellos mismos, aprender un habitus que les era completamente ajeno, para poder construir relaciones afectivas con traficantes ("transas" y puertorriqueños vendedores de crack). Esos afectos aparecen posicionados como condición de posibilidad del tipo de investigación cualitativa que ellos defienden.

Salud Colectiva initiated a dialogue between anthropologist Philippe Bourgois and journalist Cristian Alarcón. They offer here a backstage introduction to two daring, controversial and innovative books. Bourgois' In search of respect, recently published in Spanish, recounts the daily lives of crack dealers in Harlem, New York. The book Si me querés, quereme transa (If you love me, love me as a transa), by Alarcón, enters into the world of cocaine and "pasta base" (base paste) dealers in Buenos Aires. In the two works we see how both journalistic and ethnographic researches evolve into learning processes completely devoid of the typical arrogance of an explorer in strange territories. Alarcon and Bourgois had to undergo transformations and learn a habitus completely unfamiliar to them in order to build connections with Buenos Aires "transas" and Puerto Rican crack dealers. Such bonds are presented as necessary conditions for the kind of qualitative investigation they defend.

RESUMEN

Salud Colectiva convocó a un diálogo entre Philippe Bourgois y Cristian Alarcón. El antropólogo y el cronista ofrecen aquí una excursión al backstage de dos libros innovadores, polémicos y desafiantes. En busca de respeto, de Bourgois, recientemente publicado en español, construye un relato sobre la trama cotidiana de los vendedores de crack en Harlem, Nueva York. Si me querés, quereme transa, de Alarcón, ingresa en el universo de los traficantes de cocaína y "pasta base" en Buenos Aires. En ambos, vemos la forma en que tanto la investigación periodística como la etnográfica devienen un proceso de aprendizaje, totalmente despojado de la sober-bia del descubridor en territorios extraños. Alarcón y Bourgois tuvieron que transformarse ellos mismos, aprender un habitus que les era completamente ajeno, para poder construir relaciones afectivas con traficantes ("transas" y puertorriqueños vendedores de crack). Esos afectos aparecen posicionados como condición de posibilidad del tipo de investigación cualitativa que ellos defienden.

RESUMEN

Drawing on data collected through clinical practice and ethnographic fieldwork, this study examines the experience of injury, illness and disability among undocumented Latino day laborers in San Francisco. We demonstrate how constructions of masculine identity organize the experience of embodied social suffering among workers who are rendered vulnerable by the structural conditions of undocumented immigrant status. Theoretical concepts from critical medical anthropology and gender studies extend the scholarly analysis of structural violence beyond the primarily economic to uncover how it is embodied at the intimate level as a gendered experience of personal and familial crisis, involving love, respect, betrayal and patriarchal failure. A clinical ethnographic focus on socially structured patriarchal suffering elucidates the causal relationship between macro-forces and individual action with a fuller appreciation of the impact of culture and everyday lived experience.

Asunto(s)

RESUMEN

OBJECTIVE: To identify ways in which undocumented day laborers' social context affects their risk for occupational injury, and to characterize the ways in which these workers' social context influences their experience of disability. DESIGN: Qualitative study employing ethnographic techniques of participant-observation, supplemented by semistructured in-depth interviews. SETTINGS: Street corners in San Francisco's Mission District, a homeless shelter, and a nonprofit day labor hiring hall. PARTICIPANTS: Thirty-eight Mexican and Central American male day laborers, 11 of whom had been injured. PRIMARY THEMES: Anxiety over the potential for work injury is omnipresent for day laborers. They work in dangerous settings, and a variety of factors such as lack of training, inadequate safety equipment, and economic pressures further increase their risk for work injury. The day laborers are isolated from family and community support, living in a local context of homelessness, competition, and violence. Injuries tend to have severe emotional, social, and economic ramifications. Day laborers frequently perceive injury as a personal failure that threatens their masculinity and their status as patriarch of the family. Their shame and disappointment at failing to fulfill culturally defined masculine responsibilities leads to intense personal stress and can break family bonds. Despite the high incidence of work injuries and prevalence of work-related health conditions, day laborers are frequently reluctant to use health services due to anxiety regarding immigration status, communication barriers, and economic pressure. IMPLICATIONS: On the basis of these ethnographic data, we recommend strategies to improve ambulatory care services to day laborers in 3 areas: structural changes in ambulatory care delivery, clinical interactions with individual day laborers, and policymaking around immigration and health care issues.

Asunto(s)

RESUMEN

Es una investigación etnográfica de "niños de la calle" bolivianos, donde los niños nos relatan quiénes son, de dónde vienen, y por qué se quedan en la calle. No hay duda de que con ésta población los números son importantes, y ciertamente deberíamos saber cuántos niños viven en las calles de las ciudades de Bolivia. Pero aún más importante es la pregunta "¿por qué?".En éstas páginas, ésta pregunta es respondida por los mismo niños, no por los sociólogos, educadores ni por la policía, ni siquiera por los padres u otros "expertos". Las palabras son suyas; el conocimiento y la capacidad para llevar a cabo ésta investigación.

Asunto(s)