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To describe Latino beliefs about AIDS (SIDA), Latino adults were sampled at two U.S. sites (Connecticut and Texas) and two international sites (Mexico and Guatemala). A 125-item questionnaire covered risk factors, symptoms, treatments, and sequellae of AIDS. The cultural consensus model was used to determine the cultural beliefs for each sample. Responses from 161 people indicated that a single set of beliefs was present at each site and that beliefs were shared across sites. Comparison of answers between samples indicated high agreement (p < .0007). The proportion of shared beliefs, however, decreased significantly between samples: .68 in Connecticut, .60 in Texas, .51 in Mexico, and .41 in Guatemala (p < .05). The proportion of positive answers similarly decreased from Connecticut to Guatemala (p < .001). Beliefs were stronger and more detailed in the higher prevalence areas. Furthermore, Latino beliefs tended to converge on biomedical beliefs about the disease.

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OBJECTIVE: To describe Latino beliefs about diabetes and assess heterogeneity in beliefs across different groups. RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS: This study comprised a survey of 161 representative Latino adults from four diverse communities: Hartford, Connecticut; Edinburg, Texas; Guadalajara, Mexico; and rural Guatemala. A 130-item questionnaire covered causes symptoms, and treatments for diabetes. Information on demographics and acquaintanceship with someone with diabetes was also collected. The cultural consensus model was used to analyze the variation in responses to determine whether the degree of consistency within and between samples was sufficient to warrant aggregation and description as a single set of beliefs. RESULTS: Homogeneous beliefs were present within each of the four samples. Although variability in responses increased significantly from Connecticut to Guatemala (P < 0.00005), there was significant agreement between samples on the answers (P < 0.0005). Answers tended to be concordant with the biomedical description of diabetes. Greater acculturation, higher educational attainment, and higher diabetes prevalence were associated with greater cultural knowledge about diabetes. In Connecticut, greater knowledge correlated with longer mainland U.S. residency (P < 0.05). In Mexico, those with average educational attainment knew more (P < 0.05). Finally, average knowledge levels were higher in communities with greater diabetes prevalence. CONCLUSIONS: The cultural consensus model facilitated assessment of cultural beliefs regarding diabetes and diabetes management. Overall, Latino cultural beliefs about diabetes were concordant with the biomedical model. Variation in responses tended to characterize less knowledge or experience with diabetes and not different beliefs.

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This paper discusses research designed to investigate community, clinic, and longitudinal patterns in use of lead as a treatment for empacho, a folk illness manifest by gastrointestinal symptoms. The same questionnaire used in a clinic-based study seven years previously in Guadalajara, Mexico, was used to interview a randomly selected community sample: in addition, the study was repeated at the same clinic sites that had been studied previously. The goals were to investigate: (1) What are community wide prevalences of empacho and use of lead based remedies? (2) To what extent are current patterns of use of lead for treatment of empacho in clinic-based samples similar to those seven years ago. The attributable risk to the population as a whole from use of lead based remedies was found to be 11% of the households of Guadalajara. Essentially this same estimate was seen for the 1987 and 1994 clinic populations. Interestingly, while percentages of lead users have declined since 1987, twice as great a percentage of informants reported treating empacho. Other patterns originally identified in 1987 persisted in 1994; lead use continues to be associated with lower levels of parental education and income.

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Information about the folk illness caida de mollera was collected from Mexican and Mexican American migrant mothers who had treated their children for the illness, and from physicians in a clinic that served this population. These physicians believed that the vast majority of the sets of symptoms were worthy of medical attention and could be life threatening if not treated. This research report concurs with other studies that suggest that although Mexican folk illnesses are conceptualized to have folk-social and psychological causes, they are also seen to have biological causes and physiological symptoms that can be treated by biomedical methods. This report outlines a model for understanding aspects of folk illnesses that includes folk vs. biomedical ideas about disease, causes vs. symptoms, and psychological vs. physiological aspects of sickness. It also suggests that the kinds of questions anthropologists ask about these illnesses may need to be modified--shifting away from questions about treatments of causes and refocusing on those about the treatment of physiological symptoms--if we are to more fully understand home approaches to the management of these illnesses.

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It is usually impossible to know if reported differences between cultures are due to cultural differences or due to a difference in the methods used to study the cultures. This paper describes a collaborative, multisite study using a shared methodology to study intra- and inter-cultural variation in beliefs. A series of standard interview schedules were used to study Latin American beliefs about empacho in Guatemala, Mexico, and in the United States (Mexican-Americans and Puerto Ricans). Results showed consistency in beliefs about empacho both within and between the four samples.

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This paper focuses on aspects of intrahousehold allocation of resources. It suggests that there is a first step involved in understanding household decisions as to allocation or misallocation of food within the household, which is that of understanding intrahousehold allocation of income. In this study, carried out in northwestern Mexico, what has been reported in the literature as examples of unequal access to food, particularly in larger households, may better be considered examples of lack of access on the part of purchasers of household food to all of the income which comes into the household.

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This paper discusses research designed to investigate the patterns and consequences of the use of lead based folk remedies in the treatment of some gastrointestinal problems in Mexico. Use of lead is seen in 35% of the population sampled in Guadalajara who treated the folk illness empacho, and 5% of a similar population in Oaxaca. Lead use seems to be associated with mestizo ethnic background, and with lower levels of parental education and income.

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This article discusses the availability of three lead-based salts which are being used as folk remedies in Mexico. Distribution systems and geographic availability were determined, and purchased samples were found to be very high in lead content. The findings suggest the need for further research to understand the reasons why such remedies are chosen, and the development of an educational program to discourage their use.

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